• 


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LIBRARY 

OP  THE 

Theological   Seminary, 

PRINCETON,    N.J. 

Case, .Lj.vl.irn.^O(.r?^.\>P?.Wl. 

Shelf,                               SectlG          Z?(1jQ^... 
Booh,  No /  IhO.., 


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SKETCHES 


OF   THE 


HISTORY 


OF 


AMERICA. 


By  JAMES  THOMSON  CALLENDER. 


[entered  according  to  law.] 


N 


PHILADELPHIA 


t^on  the  press  of  snowden  &  m'corkie,  no.  47» 
north  fourth-street. 

1798. 


fPiice  one  dollar.] 


PREFACE. 


OINCE  this  volume  was  written,  the  diiP- 
pute  of  Mr.  Adams  with  France  hath  reached  a  cri- 
lis.  The  diredlory  difmiffed  with  difdain  our  triple 
Braintree  embafTy.  The  robbery  of  American  fliip- 
ping  has  burfl  into  tenfold  magnitude  ;  and  our  pre- 
fident's  bofom  beats  with  rapture  at  the  approach- 
ing confummation  of  his  wifhes.  Oppofed  as  con- 
tending partifans,  the  republic  might  addrefs  this 
moft  infatuated  of  all  ftatefmen  in  the  language  of 
the  poet. 

One  look  from  Crononhotonthologos 
Shall  ftare  thee  into  nothing  ! 

The  French  may  begin  by  blockading  American 
feaports  with  ten  or  twelve  frigates.  Immediate- 
ly, the  merchants  lay  up  their  fhipping.  Their 
bills  are  protefted  by  quires.  The  counting  houfes 
are  deferted.  The  jails  are  crouded.  Stocks 
tumble  to  forty  per  cent,  below  par.  The  banks 
bblt  their  doors.  Hard  money  vaniflies.  Drays  un- 
yoked rot  by  dozens  on  every  wharf.  The  treafury 
fufpends  payment,  and  cannot  borrow  a  fhilling  ; 
beoaufe,  after  deducting  import  duties,  its  own 
expences,  and  the  interefl  of  public  debt,  become 
twelve  times  greater  than  the  public  income^. 
Of  courfe  the  federal  government  expires* 

?  Vide  Araeticaa  Annual  Regider, 


(     iv     ) 

Mr.  Sitgreaves  fpoke  of  dying  in  the  laft  ditch. 
If  Jourdan  diiembarks  at  Newcaftle,  he  may- 
find  an  excellent  opportunity  for  dying  in  the 
firft  ditch.  We  have  nine  hundred  thoufand  negroes 
ripe  for  inlurrection  ;  and  not  a  fmglc  fort  fit  to 
be  the  pigeon-houfe  of  a  Flanders  ballion.  Even 
the  Alps  and  Pyrenees  have  been  fcaled  in  their 
mod  maccelfible  faflneffes ;  while  five  years  of 
French  yidioxy  have  eclipfed  five  centuries  of  Ro- 
man fame.  Many  people  fay  that  the  United  States 
arc  popular  in  France,  and  that  the  government 
dares  not  to  declare  war.  This  argument  is  only  fit 
for  a  drowning  ideot  catching  at  a  flraw.  The  di- 
rcOioxy  need  but  to  print  a  few  columns  from  Mr. 
Fenno's  gazette,  and  the  charm  is  diJTolved.  At  the 
end  of  the  conteft  in  Europe,  France  will  overflow 
with  turbulent  veterans,  and  a  diftant  expedition 
may  very  likely  be  planned,  merely  for  the  fake 
offending  them  out  of  the  country. 

All  men  of  property  are  interefted  in  pcrfuadlng 
Mr.  Adams  immediately  to  retire  from  office.  An 
hundred  thoufand,  or  even  a  million  of  dollars, 
would  be  wifely  beftowed  to  purchafe  his  refigna- 
tion.  And  if  the  fenate  of  the  fifth  congrefs  fhall 
give  that  example,  they  will  ad  as  the  negative 
faviours  of  their  country. 

Philaddphia^  February  12,  1798. 


Now  ready  for  the prejs^  andvjill  be publijke<  /before 
the  rifinp  of  congrejs  ^  a  work  entitled^ 

SEDGWICK  &  Co. ; 

OR, 

A  Key  to  the  Six  Per  Cent,  Cabinet. 


CONTENTS. 


CHAP.     I. 


America, — Its  difcovery, — European  niijlakes  re- 
fpeding  it. — Dr,  Rohertfon* — His  theory  as  to  the 
extreme  cold  of  the  new  world. — Its  at77ioJphere , — 
Alledged  inferiority  in  animal  produdions  * — Dr, 
Adam  Smith. —His  mifinfermation  as  to  North- 
America. — Ahjurd  defcriptio?n  of  Philadelphia  by 
Payne  and  Guthrie. — European  title  to  fettlements 
in  the  new  world. — Their  defence* — Prejent  num- 
ber of  inhabit  ants  in  America^  -  ,    9 


CHAP.    11. 

European  fupremacy. — Britain. — Summary  of  her 
colonial  fyflem. — At  no  expence  in  founding  her 
colonies . — IVars  of  16^^^  J 7 o 2 ,  and ly^^ . — IV ar 
4/'  1756. — The  real  cauje  of  that  war. — Its  enor- 
mous expence^  and  abfurd  co7idud  on  the  part  of 
Britain. — Infignificance  of  Canada  to  that  conn* 
try. — Approaching Jubverfion  of  European  Juprc-- 
macy  in  every  part  of  America. — Mr.  Harper'' s 
propofal,  -  ....  35 


(  vi  ) 

CHAP.     III. 

Federal  plan  for  the  conquejl  of  Mexico, — Britifk 
captures  of    Port-au-Prince* — Cafe  of  the   pilot 

Butler. Pre/idential   Canting, The   caiifes  of 

Mr,  Jeffcrfon^s  refgnation, — Letter  to  Maz- 
zei,^— Defence  of  it, — Review  of  the  political  cha- 
rader  of  Virginia, — Extravagant  fchemes  of  the 
truly  federal  party, — Important  ajiecdote, — Mr^ 
Gerry, — ^Servility  of  the  firfi  congrefs ,  5 3 

CHAP.     IV. 

The  cafe  of  Edward  Hulen, — More  Britifk  amity, -^ 
True  inotives  for  the  acceptance  ofjay^s  treaty, — 
Capture  of  the  Mount  Vernon, — Re772arks  on  the 
cojrvention  ofiy^j , — Authentic  copy  of  the  plan  of 
government  propofed  by  Mr,  Hamilton, — Com- 
mentary on  that  paper ^  -  -      7 1 

CHAP.     V. 

J^emarks  on  Mr,  Alexander  Hamilton*s  explanation 
of  his  correjpondence  ivith  James  Reynolds^       89 

CHAP.     VI. 

Remarks  on  the  lueflern  expedition^  -         1 1  at 

CHAP.     VII. 

Maiilius  on  democratic  focieties , — ■////  notorious  ca- 
lumnies,— Negligence  of  the  executive, — Judge 
Iredell's  charge, — Federal  difcipline, — Judge  Pc^ 


(  vii  ) 

ters . — -His  fingular  vigilance  arid  hiimaniiy. — Par^ 
liamentary  definition  of  excije, — Partial  indemni- 
fication to  fufferers  in  the  whi/ky  riots, — Remarks 
on  the  federal  conflitution, — On  arbitrary  impri- 
fonment, — Prefidential  power  of  adjourning  con- 
grefs* — Its,  dangerous  tendency^  -  162 


CHAP.     VIII. 

i5r.  Ames, — Remarks  on  his  fpeech  on  the  Britl/fi 
treaty, — Projed  of  the  jmate^  in  ijZ^)^  for  intro- 
ducing titles. — Thornas  P aine ,—Refolutions  of  con- 
grefs  in  his  favour,^-The  fpeech  of  B arras  to 
Monroe, — Mr,  Femio, — Examination  of  the  dif 
patches  of  Mr,  Pifickney^  and  the  conduci  of  Mr, 
Adams  ^-^—Defence  of  the  French  difedory, — Phi- 
7i€a$  Bond, — Ruffian  treaty  luith  Ertgland, — On 
the  banks  of  Philadelphia, —Partiality  againfl  the 
republican  party  in  granting  dif counts, — Fatal  ef 
fed  to  American  manufadures  from  an  excefs  of 
paper  money  ^  and  from  ufury, — Citation  fr  0771  Mr, 
Fenno^ — From  Fauchet, — Card  from  Mr,  Muh- 
lenberg^ -  -  "  -  162 


CHAP.     IX. 

General  remarks  on  the  flat  e  of  the  union. — Dearth 
of  provijions, — Hardships  of  the  poor, — Methods 
in  Europe  to  prevent  famine, — Playi  for  relieving 
the  po or,-'— Unequal  preffure  of  taxes. — Double- 
head^  s  horfes  ,—Oppreffive  Juperiority  of  the  Ame^ 
rican  landed  inter  ejl: — On  the  prefefzt  fear  city  of 
ca/h.' — hnporiance  of  American  manufadures .-^ 
Hifiory  of  the  A^nerkan  ?2avy, — Summary  of  the 
prefent  fituatlon  of  the  United  States^  J  94 


(  viii  ) 
CHAP.     X. 

Extra^s  from  the  prefidential  gatetts .-^Remarks: 
on  the  firft  fpeech  of  Mr,  Adams  to  congrefs ."-' 
Correjpondence  of  Pinckney  and  Pickering,— Pro^ 
ceedings  of  congrejs  in  May^  1797- — Compari- 
fhn  between  the  treatment  of  Adet  and  Pinckney. — 
^ Candid  condud  of  Mr.  Bache,— Speech  of  Mr. 
Nicholas.— Of  Dr.  Smith.— Of  Mr.  Otis.— Ob- 
Jervations  on  the  condud  of  our  executive ^     221 

CHAP.     XL 

The  fpeech  of  Mr. Otis  continued. — Explanation  of  the 
difpute  between  France  and  the  United  States. — 
Mr. Giles. — Mr.  Swanwick. — Mr.Livingfon. — 
Mr.  Coit.' — Mr.  Harper ^ — His  equivoque. — Its 
detection  by  Mr.  Living flon. — Trimming  encomium 
on  Pinckney  by  Mr.  Giles. — Mr.  Gallatin. — Har- 
per verfas  Buonaparte. — Strange  wafie  of  time,  on 
an  anfiuer  to  the prefidenfs fpeech. — Admijfion  by 
prefident  Adams,  that  Tz/d' ^rd' ^  divided  people. — 
htvafion  of  Pennjylvania  by  the  Sufquehanna  com* 
pany^         /-         -  .         «         •         •         240 


SKETCHES,  &c- 


CHAPTER    I. 


America.-— Its  difcovery, -^European  mi  flakes  r<?-. 
Jpeding  it, — Dr,  Robertfofi, — His  theory  as  to 
the  extreme  cold  of  the  new  'world. — ^Its  atmop- 
phere, — Alledged  inferiority  in  animal  produc-' 
tions. — -Dr,  Adam  Smith, — -His  mifinforniation 
as  to  North- America, — Ahfiird  defer  iptions  of  Phi-- 
ladelphia  by  Payne  and  Guthrie, — Eiiropea7Z  title 
tofettlements  irl  the  nezv  is  or  Id, — Their  defence,—^ 
Prefent  number  of  inhabitants  in  America, 

^XMERIC  A  was  difcovercdby  Chrifto- 
pher  Columbus  on  the  12th  of  October,  1492.  The 
north-eafl:  extremity  of  Afia  approaches  within  thir- 
ty-nine miles  of  the  north-weflern  coaftofthc  new- 
world^.  The  pafTage  over  this  narrow  ftr ait  is  faci- 
litated by  two  intermediate  inlands.  Perhaps,  in  are- 
mote  sera,  fome  wandering  families  of  Tartars  crofP- 
cd  over  by  this  route;  and,  in  the  courfeofages,  theie 
pofterity  difpcried  a  fcanty  population  over  this 
great  divilion  of  the  globe.  The  Efquimaux  alone, 
upon  the  north- e after n  coaft  of  the  continent,  are 
of  a  different  race,  and  appear  to  have  been  a  co- 
lony from  Greenland. 

The  habitable  part  of  the  globe  is  computed  to 

*  Amsiican  Edition  of   \!^t  Britilh  Encyclopedia  ;    vqI,  L  p» 
568,  ^     .         .        -     ^ 

1 


'^, 


I*  SKETCHES    OlF   THE 

contain  upwards  of  thirty  millions  of  geogl'Sphical 
fquare  miles.  Of  thefe,  at  leaft  nine  millions  arc 
comprehended  in  America*.  This  area  is  about 
ninety  times  slarger  than  that  of  Britain  and  Ireland, 
which  pofTefs  a  population  of  fourteen  millions. 
When  the  forge,  and  the  plough  fliall  have  flretched 
their  dominion  to  the  fburccs  of  the  Miffouri,  when 
a  regular  body  of  civiliz:ed  nations,  extending  from 
the  St.  Laurence  to  Patagonia,  Ih-Al  cheer  and 
gladden  tlic  furface  of  the  earth,  America  may, 
"Without  difficulty,  fupport  a  thoufandmillionsof  in- 
habitants ;  or  Hiofl  likely,  a  much  greater  number* 

Though,  this  continent  hath  been  difcovered  for 
three  centuries,  it  is  yet  but  imperfedlly  known  to 
the  iiations  of  Europe.  Travellers,  in  defcribing  it, 
have  Liiilimed  their  wonted  privileges  of  embellifli- 
ment  and  diflortion*  The  flrangeil  fables  have 
been  circulated  and  believed,  Vv^ith  regard  to  its 
cliiuate,  its  afpecl,  its  natural  produdions,  and  the 
manners  of  its  people. 

When  an  American  opens  one  of  thofe  nu- 
suerous  defcriptions  of  this  country,  that  are  pub* 
lifned  in  Europe,  lie  is  commonly  flruck  with  the 
multiplicity  of  miflakes  that  occur  in  almoft  every 
page.  To  give  an  accurate  account  of  any  country 
requires  a  confiderable  (hare  both  of  induflry  and 
accutenefs.  But  peculiar  difficulties  attend  this 
talli,  on  the  weflern  fide  of  the  Atlantic.  The 
habits  of  the  people  are  more  various  and  fludluat- 
ing,  than  in  regions  which  have  been  long  and 
thickly  fettled.  Alterations  and  improvements  of 
all  kinds  advance  with  fuch  rapidity,  at  leaft  in 
the  territory  of  the  United  States,  that  what  was, 
five  years  before,  a  juft  pi<^ure,  often  differs  widely 
from  the  prefent  condition  of  the  fame  territory. 

*  Carey 'g  American  E^iiion  of -Gudirie's  Geographical  Gram- 
Kftf,  vol.  I,  ^\  36. 


HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  u 

The  imnicnfe  extent  of  the  continent  prefciits  i'jch 
a.  variety  of  temptations  to  the  ibrniii^g  of  new  fet- 
tlements,  thefe  are  To  widely  diverfrfied  from  each 
other,  in  their  fitnation,  climate,  and  produce,  and 
lach  numbers  of  people  are  conftantly  retiring 
backwards  from  the  eadern  coafl,  into  the  receffes 
of  the  wildernefs,  that  many  years  muft  pafs  over 
before  it  can  be  poflible  to  f]<:etch  a  picfture  cf 
America,  which  will  remain  for  any  confiderable 
time,  an  exaft  refemblance  of  the  original*.  This 
country  may  be  compared  with  a  child  rifmg,  by  the 
moft  rapid  growth ,  into  the  dimenlions  of  a  giant ; 
but  confequently  requiring  a  much  longer  period, 
before  it  aiTumes  a  completenefs  of  form,  than  an 
pbje£l  of  far  inferior  bulk. 

As  a  fpecimen  of  the  ilrange  mifreprefentations, 
with  regard  to  America,  which  are  current  in 
Europe,  a  few  pafTagcs  fliail  be  here  felecT-ed  from 
fome  of  the  books  popular  in  that  part  of  th.^  world- 
Dr.  Robertfon  informs  us  that,  "  Over  all  the  con-  ' 
"  tinent  of  North-America,  a  north-wefteriy  wind 
•*  Tind  ex ceffive  cold2sc  fynonimous  terms.  Even  in 
*'  the  mofifultry  weather^  the  moment  that  the  wind 
"  veers  to  that  quarter,  its  penetrating  influence  is 
*'  felt  in  atranfition  from  heat  to  cold  no  iefs  violent 
**  than  fudden.  To  this  powerful  caule  we  may  af- 
"  cribc  the  extraordinary  dominion  of  cold,  and  its 
**  violent  inroads  into  the  fouthcrn  provinces  in  that 
»•  part  of  the  globet." 

Charlevoix  is  quoted  as  an  authority  for  this  tale. 
When  he  wrote  it,  he  muft  have  been  thinking  of 

*  A  farmer  of  Kentucky,  fometlme  ago,  mentioned  in  Phila- 
delphia, that  he  had  refided  in  that  ftdte,  for  about  eighteen  months. 
He  fettled  on  the  fidrts  oi  the  cleared  land,  next  the  woods,  his 
own  houfe  being  the  farthell  in  that  diredion.  Since  his  arrival^ 
fo  many  new  fettlers  had  come,  that  plantations,  were  extcndvi 
fifteen  miles  beyond  his  into  the  defart, 

i  fiiilor/  of  America,  Book  IV« 


12  SKETCHES    OF    THE 

the  north-wefl  wind  of  Canada,  through  which  he 
travelled.  He  did  not  vifit  the  Brit  if  h  colonies; 
£o  that  he  could  not  fay  whether  fuch  a  phenomenon 
prevailed  in  them  or  not.  From  extravagant 
accounts  of  this  kind,  it  is  not  furprifing  that  the 
people  of  Europe  form  an  alarming  idea  of  the 
American  climate.  To  the  greater  part  of  the 
territory  of  the  United  States,  perhaps  to  the  whole 
of  it,  this  dcfcription  bears  no  refemblancc.  Char- 
levoix wrote  abor^  feventy  years  ago ;  and  even 
though  his  account  had  been  accurate  for  that  time, 
yet  the  climate  has  fincc  undergone  great  alter- 
ations, Mr.Jefferfon  relates*,  that  formerly  the  fnows 
in  Virginia  covered  the  ground,  for  about  three 
months  in  every  winter,  but  that  now,  in  the  lower 
parts  of  the  country,  they  very  feldom  lie  aweek. 
He  remarks,  that,  ^'In  Virginia,  both  heats  and 
*'  colds  have  become  much  more  moderate  within  the 
"memory  even  of  the  middle-aged."  Dr.  Robert- 
Ion  mentions  a  prodij?:ious  frofl,  at  Charlefton,  in 
South-Carolina,  in  Febri-ary,  1747.  For  many  years 
paft,  fnowand  ice  have  been  hardly  feen  in  that  city. 
The  fame  hiftorian  attempts  to  explain  the  pri- 
mitive caufe  of  the  extreme  degree  of  cold  in  Ame* 
rica.  •  His  reafonings  appear  to  be  fomcwhat  incoti- 
ilftent.  As  to  the  northern  extremity  of  the  con- 
tinent he  obferves  that,  '•  though  the  utmoft  extent 
*'  of  America  towards  the  north  be  not  yet  difcover- 
••ed,  we  know  that  it  advances  nearer  to  the  pole 
•*  than  either  Europe  or  Afia.  The  latter  have  large 
"  feas  to  the  north,  which  are  open  during  part  of 
•'  the  year  ;  and  even  when  covered  with  ice,  the 
«'  wind  that  blows  over  them  is  lefs  intenfely  coldM^T^ 
«'  that -which  blows  over  I  mid  m  the  the  fame  high  la- 
*'  titudes.  But  in  America  the  landftretches  fromttiQ 

*  Notes  on  Virginia,    Art,  Climatb, 


HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  15 

*  river  St.  Laurence  towards  the  pole,  and  fprcads 
"  out  immenlely  to  the  weft.  A  chain  of  enormous 
"  mountains,  covered  v/ith  inow  and  ice,  runs  thro* 
**  all  this  dreary  region*.*'  He  g®es  on  to  afcribc  the 
peculiar  feverity  of  the  north- weft  American  winds 
to  their  blowing  over  ^Tuch  an  extent  of  high  and 
"  frozen  laizd"  The  refult  of  his  inqniry  is,  that  the 
climate  of  North-America  is  more  cold  than  that  of 
Europe  becaufe  the  land  is  broader  and  approaches 
nearer  to  the  north  pole.     The  doftor  has  omitted 
to  give  us  any  reafon,  why  a  wind  that  blows  over 
frozen  land  mud  be  colder  than  another  which  blows 
over  a  frozenjea'^  fothat  his  theory  of -explanation 
refts  on  a  mere  afTamption.     But  let  us  admit  the 
juftice  of  his  afTertion,  that  the  northern  extremity 
of  the  continent  is  colder  than  that  of  Europe,  be- 
caufe it  is  broader^  and  advances  ?iearer  to  tJie  pole. 
We  are  certain  then,  that  the  fouthern  extremity 
of  America,  muft  be  a  great  deal  warmer  than  the 
lame  latitude   in  Europe  ;  for  the  land  approaches 
only  within  thirty  four  degrees  of  the  fouth  pole, 
that  is,  to  the  latitude  of  Dunbar,   a  town  in  the 
foutlveaflcrn    part  of  Scotland.     The  continent, 
befides,  is  very  narrow  ;  and  its  fituation  is  indeed 
a  perfe<^  contrafl  to  the  northern  extremity.     But 
here  again,  the  author  takes  up  a  quite  different 
doctrine.    "  The  moft  obvious  and  probable  caufe 
**  of  this  fupcrior  degree  of  cold  towards  the  fouthern 
*'  extremity  of  America,  feems  to  be  Xh^form  of  the 
**  continent  there.   Its  breadth  gradually  decreafes^ 
*•  and  its  dimenfions  are  77iuch  contraCledJ'  This  hy- 
pothefishe  explains  in  a  long  note.  Thus  in  one  end 
of  America,  the  breadth^  and  in  another  end  the 
narroiv7iefs  of  the  continent,  is  advanced  as  a  phi- 
Jofophical  explanation  of  extreme  cold. 

*  Hiftory  ©f  America,  Book  IV. 


,4  SKETCHES    OF    THE 

"  x\nother  peculiarity  in  the  climate  of  Americst 
**  is  itsexceffive  jnoifture  in  general.  In  fome  places, 
••  indeed,  on  the  weftern  coall,  rain  is  not  known ; 
"  but  in  all  other  parts,  the  moiflnefs  of  the  climate 
"is  as  remarkable  as  the  cold.  The  foreils  where- 
**  with  it  is  every  where  covered,  no  doubt,  partly, 
•*  occafion  the  moiftureof  its  climate  ;  but  the  mod 
-*  prevalent  and  obvious  caufe  is  tiievafl,  and  Pacific 
"  Oceans,  with  which  America  is  envb'oned  on  all 
'' fides  "^V,  The  Cape  of  Good-Hope  is  furrounded 
by  immcnfe  oceans;  yet  the  climate  is  remarkably 
dry^  This  cannot  therefore  be  a  latisfa(f"rojy  expla- 
nation for  the  cxccfs  of  moifcure  in  the  American 
atmofphere.  But  if  it  were  fo,  the  writer,  to  make 
his  theory  confident,  ought  to  have  demonftrated, 
for  what  reafon  rain  is  not  known,  in  fome  places 
on  the  wejlern  cnafl.  Peru  extends  alonp;  the  fliorc 
of  the  great  Pacific  Ocean,  by  far  the  broadeft  on  the 
furface  of  the  globe,  and  yet  thirty  years  are  faid  to 
have  fometimeselapfedin  that  country  without  rain. 
It  does  not  appear,  on  any  found  evidence,  that  the 
climate  of  this  country  is  more  wet  than  that  of 
many  others.  Let  us  hear  the  account  that  is  given 
of  the  weather  of  England  by  pcrfons  who  oblerve 
it.  In  thcGentlem.an's  Magazine,  for  February  1793, 
there  is  an  article,  dated  the  27th  of  that  month, 
which  may  ferve  to  ailift  us,  in  forming  ideas  on 
this  point.  *'  The  climate  of  England,"  fays  the 
writer,  ''  in  the  opinion  of  many,  has,  of  late  years, 
**  undergone  a  confiderable  change.  Formerly  we 
**  ufed  to  have  fmart  frofls  in  winter;  and  hot  and 
*•  ^omc^timcs  dry  Jummers.  For  fome  years  back,  both 
♦*  v*7inters and  fummcrs  h^wc ge?ieraUy  beenwet^with 
"  fo  little  ice,  that  luxury,  by  its  agents,  has  been 
*^  obliged  to  procure  it  from  foreign  parts.  In  the 
»'  courfe  of  lail  year,  thofc  who  kept  a  regiftcr  of 

f  Encyclopedia,  vol.  I,  p»  5^9. 


HISTORV    of   AMERICA.  j| 

**thc  weather,  tell  ns,  there  were  but  one  hundred 
"  and  three  dry  days  I  For  the  little  that  is  pafTed  of 
**  the  prefent  year,  we  have  Icarcely  had  ^\r.  dry 
*•  days.*'  It  is  not  eafy  to  conceive  a  more  dreadful 
picfhire  of  the  atmofphere  of  any  part  of  the  tem- 
perate zones,  than  what  is  here  fct  before  us.  As 
it  comes  from  the  Englifli  themfelves,  and  is 
attefted  in  a  refpecLable  publication,  it  would  be 
trifling  to  doubt  of  its  general  accuracy.  Nor  is 
fuch  a  quantity  of  rain  and  moiflure  a  novelty,  as 
the  author  feenis  to  hint,  in  the  Britifh  iflands. 
*'  We  have  rain,'*'  fays  a  proverb,  ''  for  nine 
**  months  in  the  year,  and  wet  weather  for  all  the 
"  refl  of  it/'  Even  Americans  ^ttm.  to  have  adopted 
an  erroneous  opinion  refpe^ling  the  comparative 
moifturc  of  their  climate.  Yjt,  Morfe  has  obfcrved, 
that,  "  the  quantity  of  rain  which  falls  in  England 
**  annually  is  computed  to  be  twenty  four  inches ;  in 
**  France  eighteen  inches,  and  in  New-England  from 
*'  forty-eight  to  fifty  inches ;  and  yet  in  New-England 
*'  they  fuffer  more  from^  drought  than  in  either  of  the 
"  fore-mentioned  countries,  although  they  have  more 
**  than  double  the  quantity  of  rain.''*  In  New-England 
''  they  luifer  more  from  drought,"  becaufe  there  is 
not  one-half,  nor,  perhaps,  one-fixth  part  of  the 
rain  annually  that  falls  in  England*  where,  as  Ive 
have  feen  above,  there  is  rain  for  five  days  in  the 
week.  If  double  the  quantity  of  rain  adually  fell 
in  New-England,  it  would  follow,  as  a  necefTarv 
confequence,  that  every  day  in  the  year  mufl:  be 
wet ;  but  on  the  contrary,  weeks  together  often 
pafs  in  New-Englarrd  without  a  fingle  fhower. 

The  American  climate  is  colder  than  that  of 
European  countries  under  the  fame  latitudes,  where 
the  woods  have  been  cleared,  and  the  foil  culti- 
vated for  many  centuries.  But  this  implies  not,  as  It 

*  American  Univerfal  Geography,  vcl,  I,  p,  ;!{o> 


j6  sk'^tches  of  the 

has  been  ignoranily  pretended,  any  fingular  malig- 
nity in  the  climate  of  the  new  world.  France,  Italy^ 
and  Spain,  v/ere  much  colder,  in  ancient  times,  than 
at  prefent,  and  for  the  very  iame  reafon.  Char- 
levoix even  fays,  that  the  French  fettiersin  Canada 
confidered  the  climate  as  improved  by  the  very 
flight  degree  of  cultivation  vi^hich  exifted  in  that 
province,  about  feventy  years  ago.  Our  thick  and 
boundlefs  foreAs  prevent  the  rays  of  tlie  fun  from 
penetrating  to  the  uirfacc  of  the  earth  ;  hence  the 
fnow  cannot  diiTolve  fo  quickly,  as  in  an  open 
country.  The  north-weft  wind  ruihing  over  fo  vafl 
a  tra-ib  of  ice  and  fnow,  ftiil  further  cools  the  air. 
But  this  wind  is  only  felt  extremely  cold,  while 
fnow  covers  the  ground.  Whatever  may  foraierly 
have  been  the  cafe,  the  ftate  of  Pennfylvania,  and 
the  others  to  the  fouthward,  feel  at  prefent  very 
little  inconvenience  from  it.  "  In  the  moft  fultry 
**  weather,''  it  is  extremely  falutary  and  refrefliing, 
and  not  an  cbjecfi;  of  terror,  as  Dr.  Kobertfon,  and 
fome  other  writers  have  reprefented  it  to  be*. 

In  the  courfe  of  two  or  three  generations,  at 
fartheft,  tbe  climate  will  correfpond  with  that  under 

*  In  an  Englifli  verfion  of  CbaOellux's  Travels,  there  is  a  note 
fuhjoined,  by  the  tranflator,  which  contains  theTe  words,  <*  In  the 
"  middle  of  the  hotteftday  injuly,  or  Auguft,  where  the  heat  was  (o 
••intolerable  as  aunoft  to  prevent  rcfpi ration,  I  have  frequently  known 
"  the  wind  fliift  fuddenly  round  to  the  north- weft,  attended  with  a 
"  blaft,  fo  cold  and  humid,  as  to  make  it  immedi?.tely  neceffary  to 
**  (hut  all  the  doors  and  windows,  and  light  large  fires."  Vol.  II. 
p.  52.  This  is  a  very  high  degree  of  colouring.  That  heat  ftiould 
be  fo  cxccflivc,  in  this  country)  as  to  endanger  rcfpiration,  is  fome- 
what  next  to  incredible.  The  fummer  of  1793,  \^  as  the  hotteft 
remembered  in  Philadelphia,  for  many  years  palt  ;  yet  there  was  no 
difficulty  in  rcfpiration.  This  writer  acknowledges,  in  the  fame 
note,  that  the  climate  is  improving  fo  rapidly  as  to  make  the  change 
ftrikingly  perceptible  in  a  few  years.  In  his  fecond  volume,  a  note 
appears  rcfpet^ting  the  young  men  and  women  of  Philadelphia, 
which  is  fo  very  invlecent,  as  well  as  untrue,  that  it  cannot  admit  of 
an  extiad. 


ttfSfORV   of   AMElsitCA.  15 

the  faine  degree  of  latitude  in  Europe.  Many  tracl^ 
of  land,  that  now  lie  buried  in  fnow,  for  fix  months 
of  the  year,  will  then  rival  the  nncfl:  regions  of  the 
world*  (Quebec  flands  a  degree  and  fifty-five  minutes 
to  the  fo.rch  of  Paris,  Halifax,  in  Nova-Scotia,  fonr 
degi^ees  and  ten  minutes  to  the  fouth  of  it,  and 
only  one  degree  and  four  minutes  north  of  Mont* 
pelier  in  Langucdoc.  Montreal  is  but  ten  minutes 
*  north  of  MiliU  in  Italy,  and  one  degree  andfifty-nine 
minutes  north  o£  Montpeliei^  Philac'elphia  is  only 
two  minutes  north  from  the  lame  latitude  with 
Pekin  in  China ;  and  in  this  city,  for  half  of  the  year, 
we  enjoy  delightful  weather*  Even  the  coldeil 
winters  are  confidered  as  the  mod  healthy.  In 
autumn,  for  a  month  together,  there  is  frequently 
not  a  fingle  v-rloud  to  be  Ccen^  while  a  regular  and 
plentiful  dew  fupercedes  the  fear  of  drought.  At 
the  fame  time  of  the  year,  the  rains  of  Britain  frc- 
qnently  continue  during  a  confidcrable  time,  for  fix 
days  in  the  week,  and  rot  the  harveft,  while  Brit ilh 
philofophers  are  gravely  employed  in  defcribingand 
deprecating  the  malignant  nioiflure  of  America* 
In  Pennlylvania,  afthmatic  complaints  are  faid  to 
be  lefs  frequent  than  in  Britain,  which  is  a  necelTary 
confequence  from  the  fuperior  mildncfs  and  purity 
of  our  fl<.y.  The  climate  of  London  is  fuppofed  to 
be  equal  to  that  of  mofl  other  parts  of  England, 
and  is  certainly  much  better  than  that  of  lomc 
counties,  fuch  as  Lancafter  and  Cornwall.  Yet 
from  a  writer  there,  we  learn  that  of  the  fir  ft  fifty- 
eight  days  in  the  year  1793,  hardly  fix  were  dry. 
We  are  told,  on  the  fame  authority,  that  in  the  year 
1792,  England  had  two  hundred  and  fixty-two  days 
of  rain,  which  is  more  than  a  proportion  of  five 
days  in  the  week.  The  Britifh  climate  alfo  is 
thought  to  be  growing  worfe  ;  while  it  is  remarked 
all  over  this  continent,  that  oufs  i^  cwftajitly  jjfQW- 

C 


j%  SKETCHES    OF    THE' 

ing  better-  Marflies  are  every  where  begun  to  be 
drained.  Whole  forelts  are  daily  cut  down.  The 
free  circulation  of  air  is  thus  promoted,  while 
an  exuberance  of  moifhire  is  checked.  Ten  times 
more  land  is  now  cleared  in  one  year,  than  was 
cleared  in  the  fame  fpace  of  time  before  the  war 
of  1756.  We  may  infer  that  the  iinprovement  of 
the  climate  will  bear  fomething  like  an  equally 
augmented  proportion.  Hence  it  ip  weak  in  a 
inodcrn  hiftorian,  to  refer  implicitly,  upon  this 
head,  to  writers  of  fifty  or  an  hundred  years  old. 
He  ought  to  enquire  with  diligence  how  circum- 
ilances  actually  exift.  A  literary  man  is  apt  to  ima- 
gine that  he  knows  much,  when  he  has  only  read 
much.  He  finds  twenty  different  travellers  concur 
in  aiferting  that  the  climate  of  a  diflant  country  is 
extremely  inteinper ate.  Like  Dr.  llobertfon,  he  veiis 
with  conlidence  on  fuch  complicated  atteflations, 
though,  perhaps,  three-fourths  of  thefe  writers  have 
oijly  tranfcribed  the  opinions  of  each  other. 

The  beftevidence  of  the  falubrity  of  an  atmofphere 
js  derived  from  the  fuperior  good  health  of  its  inha- 
bitants :and,  excepting  theiow  lands,  towards  thefea, 
in  Delaware,  and  the  fouthern  flates,  the  continent 
iTi^y,  in  tjiis  refpecl,  bear  a  favourable  comparifoii 
with  Europe.  This  fift  will  be  heft  illuftrated  by 
examining  the  proportion  of  births  to  that  of  deaths, 
in  the  two  continents. 

Mr.  Barton  '-^  has  coUecfled  a  variety  of  eflimates 
of  this  kind  for  particular  periods  of  time,  from 
which  are  feieded  a  few  fpecimens. 

Decilhs. 

At  Salem,  in  178Z   and    1783,  the  pro- j  ,^3  ^ivths 49.00 

porncn  was  to  J  ^^ 

At  Hincbam,  in  M^fTaclmfelts,  for  fifty- "1  ,. 

r        ^       \  >icoGitto— — 4Q.50 

four  year?,  to  J  ^^  ^ 

♦American  Philofophical  Tranfa^ilions,  vol.  III.  p.  25,  et  feq. 


HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  i<^ 

Deaths, 
At  FhiMelphia.  for_>7Sq  and  .790,  .he!  .^^^,,,^,_ 

biJls  for  the  white  irJ'.abi rants  gave  to     J  ^^  ^^ 

England,  in  general,  according  to  fir  Vvil  1  ^^^  ^j.^^^_     ^^^^ 

liarn  rcrty,  to  J 

I, ivcrpool,  for  five  years,  rooilltto —   M2.70 

Cheder,  four  y^'^rs,  100  airr:^ —   J07.42 

Northampton,  *■  100  diti) —   123.23 

London,  twenty-fix  years,  loodirio —  ^2492 

There  is  a  copious  collef^ion  of  cflimates  of  tliis 
kind,  whicli  afcertain,  that  the  number  of  births  is 
ill  proportion  to  the  number  of  deaths  much  greater 
in  North-America  than  in  Europe.  Mr.  Barton  lias 
liAevvife  printed  comparative  tables  of  the  longc- 
yity  of  the  inhabitants  of  Britain  and  Amei-ica  ^ 
and  it  appears  that  the  advantage  is  not  on  the  fide 
of  the  former  country,  Ii*  Conne^fi:icut,  fevent}^-* 
four  perfons,  out  of  every  tlioufand  who  are  born, 
furvive  the  age  of  eighty  years  ;  vvliereas,  at  North- 
ampton in  England,  only  forty  furvive  that  period  ; 
and  at  Norwich  in  the  fame  country,  but  thirty- 
one.  The  citizens  of  the  northern  and  middle  Hates 
6f  this  Continent  may  red-  perfectly  fatisfied  by  the 
<::onvidion,  that  they  have  an  equal  chance  for  health 
and  long  life,  with  the  natives  of  any  other  quarter 
of  the  globe.  To  complaints  of  heat  and  cold,  thef? 
calculations  give  a  fatis factory  anfwer. 

Dr.  Robertfon  tells  us,  that  ''  the  vaO:  number, 
**  as  well  as  enormous  fize  of  the  trees  in  Amei'ica, 
"  indicate  the  extraordinary  vigour  of  the  foil  in  its 
"  native  ftate/^-^"  'Fo  believe  many  European  wri- 
ters as  to  the  growth  of  American  trees,  one  would 
imagine,  that  every  tree  whatever,  in  theforefls  of 
America,  grows  from  four  to  feven  or  eight  feet 
in  diameter,  and  from  fixty  to  an  hundred  and 
twenty  feet  in  height.  In  fa^t,  a  very  large  propor- 
tion of   American    trees   are  of  the  common  fizQ 

f  Hiftory  cf  America,  Book  IV. 


2P  SKETCHES    OF  THS 

of  thofe  in  the  old  world,  and  there  are  ftill  to  be 
fcen  in  England,  the  remains  of  fc\  era!  very  ancient 
oaks,,  of  a  greater  magnitude  than  ■i.uy  trees  yet 
heard  of  in  America.  Some  of  theie,  iiiuced,  rife 
to  a  larger  bulk  than  is  ufuai  in  Europe,  but  in 
general,  the  diiference  in  this  refpecl  iv  only  trifiing. 
In  America,  vegetation  is  more  vigorous  than  in  the 
Britifli  iflands,  and  a  tree  has  acquired  in  this  country 
a  greater  magnitude  in  twenty  years  than  it  canr 
generally  reach  in  England  during  forty  yeais. 

Thei'e  is  a  common  fuppoiition,  among  the  wri-» 
ters  of  the  old  world,  concerning  the  woods  of 
Americf^,  -which  has  been  countenanced  by  Dr. 
Robertion:  ''  As  trees  and  plants  derive  a  great 
*'  part  of  their  nourishment  from  air  and  water,  if 
"  they  were  not  defiroyed  by  man  and  other  ani- 
*'  mals,  they  would  render  to  the  earth  more,  per- 
*'  haps,  than  they  take  nom  it,  and  feed  rather  than 
•'  iIr^po^'erii]7  it.  Thus  the  unoccupied  foil  of  Ame?- 
**  rica  might  go  on,  enriching  for  many  ages."* 

This  fource  of  American  fecundity  is  chimerical. 
It  is  true  that  here,  as  in  the  old  world,  the  forefts 
fhed  their  leaves  during  autumn,  and  thefe  cover 
the  ground  in  prodigious  quantities,  but  without 
' forming  or  perceptibly  deepening  the  foil.  Vv  ben 
thefe  leaves  are  turned  up  to  the  depth  of  four,  fix, 
or  perhaps  twelve  inches,  the  fuvface  of  the  earth 
is  frequently  found  heaped  with  naked  (tones,  with- 
out alm^^il:  a  fmgle  mark  of  vegetation  ;  and  this  is, 
fomedn  :>,  the  cafe  for  whole  miles  together. 
What,  en,  has  become  of  thofe  immenle  mafTes 
of  vegetable  putrefacftion  that  have  been  heaped  on 
the  ground  for  at  lead  four  thoufand  years  ?  Or 
where  is  that  peculiar  mould  of  earth,  formed  by 
thofe  leaves,  of  which  the  writers  in  Europe  arc. 

*  Hiflor)'  of  Amcvica,  Book  IV* 


HISTORY    OF    AMERICA,  21 

freaking  ?  The  proper  anfwer  feems  to  be,  thaC 
they  do  not  exiil.  In  Europe,  a  large  extent  of 
coantry  is  often  covered  with  forcits,  and  whien 
the  land  has  been  cleared,  the  foil  is  frequently 
found  barren.  Fut  if  the  rotting  of  the  failing 
leaves  in  America  forms  a  mould  of  peculiar  fertility, 
the  fame  cauies  muic  in  Europe  have  produced 
Mie  fame  eonfequences.  As  in  that  coctinent,  how- 
ever, no  fach  eonfequences  are  to  be  met  with,  i 
moderate  degree  of  reflexion  might  have  convinced 
the  advocates  of  tiiis  idea,  that  the  famecale  mull 
hrippen  in  America.  Many  trails  of  this  country 
are  entirely  divciled  of  trees,  and  yet  are  equally 
fertile  vvith  any  other  part  of  the  continent.  By  this 
i^/ilem,  however  they  fhould  have  been  compari- 
timely  barren.  Befides,  a  doctrine  of  this  kind 
leads  to  extravagant  concludons.  If  the  fall  of 
leaves  is  to  deepen  the  foil  at  all,  we  may  at 
leaft  billow  an  additional  depth  of  the  twentieth  pare 
of  an  inch  annually,  or  five  inches  in  thecourfe  of  a 
century.  At  the  end  of  four  thoufand  years,  the  fur- 
face  of  the  earth  in  North  America,  ihould,  by  thi^ 
calculation,  have  been  bedded  with  a  mould  to  th^ 
depth  of  two  hundred  inches,  or  upwards  of  fix- 
teen  feet  and  an  half.  But  no  perfon  willalhrm,  that 
fuch  a  depth  of  foil  is,  perhaps,  any  v/here  to  be 
found.  It  is  in  vain  to  fabricate  plaufxblc  theories 
in  oppofition  to  the  teiiimony  of  the  human  fenfes; 
Dpr  is  it  of  the  fmaliell:  weight,  that  fuch  adoClrinCf 
may  have  been  adorned  by  the  combined  eloquence 
of  Raynal,  Robertfon,  and  BufFon. 

As  an  evidence  of  the  malignity  of  the  American' 
atmofphere,  it  has  been  remarked,  by  Dr,  Roberta 
{on,  that  the  animals  in  this  country,  when  difco^ 
vered  by  Columbus,  were  Icfs  various  in  their  fpe-. 
uies  than  thofe  of  the  old  world.  "  Nature  was  not 
"  only  lefi  prolific  in  the  new  world,  but  fhc  ap** 


22  SKETCHESOFTHE 

**  pears  likewiie  to  have  been  lefs  vigorous  iti 
*'  her  productions.  The  animals,  GrigiruJly  be* 
"  longing  to  this  quarter  of  the  globe,  appear 
"  to  be  of  an  inferior  race,  neither  fo  robuft, 
'*  nor  fo  iierce,  as  thofe  of  tlie  other  continent. 
*'  America  gives  birth  to  no  other  creature  of 
*'  fuch  bulk  as  to  be  compared  with  the  Elephant 
*'  or  rhinoceros,  or  that  equals  the  lion  and  tygcr 
**  in  ilrcngth  and  ferocity.  1  he /J/^j^r  of  Rrafil,  the 
"  qaadrnped  of  tYL^fij'ft  magnitude  in  the  new  world, 
"  is  not  larger  than  a  calf  of  {iyi  months  old.  The 
"  puma  and  jagitar^  its  fierceit  beafts  of  prey,  which 
**  the  Europeans  have  inaccurately  denominated 
"  lions  and  tygers,  poflefs  neither  the  undaunted 
**;  courage  of  the  former,  nor  the  ravenous  cruelty 
'**  of  the  latter.  They  are  inaLT:ive  and  timid,  harctiy 
**  formidable  to  man,  and  often  turn  their  backs 
*'  upon  the  Icaft  appearance  of  refi(i:ance.  (So  much 
the  better.)  The  fame  qualities  in  the  climate  of 
"  America  which  dinted  the  growth,  and  enfeebled 
*'  the  fpirit  of  its  7iative  animals,  have  proved  per- 
*' nicious  to  fach  as  have  migrated  into  it  Volun^ 
**  tarily  from  the  other  continent,  or  have  been 
"  traniported  thither  by  the  Europeans.  The  bears, 
"  the  wolves,  the  deer  of  Am. erica,  are  not  equal 
•*  in  fize  to  thofe  of  the  old  world.  Mod  of  the 
*"*  domeflic  anir^ials,  with  w^hich  the  Europeans 
**  flored  the  provinces  wherein  they  fettled,  have 
"  degenerated  with  relpedl  to  their  bulk  or  quality, 
"  in  a  country,  wiiofe  tem.perature  and  foil  feem  to 
"  be  lefs  favour  able  to  \.\\t  frcngth  and  perfeCUon  of 
**  the  animal  creation.''* 

This  pafTage  is  inferted  here  at  full  length,  bc- 
caufe  it  contains  a  fummary  of  the  Ipeculations  of 
Buffon   and  others   on   this  branch  of  natural  hif- 

*H)ftory  of  America,  Book  IV. 


HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  i^ 

ftory,  TMr.  jeii^rfon,  in  his  Notes  on  Virginia,  has 
luliy  vindicated  the  climate  of  America  from 
thefe  Unjuit  imputations,  and  the  reader  \yiliturn, 
with  peculiiir  fatisfartion,  to  a  work,  which 
unites  the  fweetnefs  of  Xenophon  with  , the  force 
of  Poly  bins,  Information  without  parade,  and 
eloquence  without  effort.  Mr.  Williams,  alio,' 
in  his  hidory  of  Vermont,  proves,  by  a  multitude  of 
examples,  that  many  animals  in  America  exceed 
the  balk  of  the  fame  fpecics  in  the  eld  world.  Somd 
places  in  this  citation,  deferve  particular  notice. 

From  the  infpired  writings  we  learn,  that,  all 
quadrupeds,  now  on  the  face  of  the  gjobe,  emi- 
grated from  Afia,  after  the  deluge.  It  is  hard  then 
to  fay,  what  the  writer  means  by  animals  originally 
belonginp^  to  this  continent,  and  riative  animals  5 
which  he  holds  up  in  oppofition  to  thoie  which  have 
migrated  into  it  voluntarily.  If  he  fuppofcs  that  the 
tapyr,  the  puma,  and  jaguar  have  been  the  produce 
of  feparate  creation,  or  that,  as  he  exprefles  it,' 
America  has  ^iven  birth  to  them,  it  is  as  likely  that 
the  bears,  wolves,  and  deer,  of  America,  have  alfo 
been  created  in  the  new  world.  We  ar€  fortunate 
in  wanting  the  flrength  and  perfeftion  of  the  rhin- 
oceros, the  lion,  and  the  tyger,  for  we  certainly 
never  fnonld  have  been  the  better  for  them,  But  the 
mammoth  alone  was  much  larger  than  the  elephant, 
the  rhinoceros,  and  all  the  carnivorous  quadrupeds 
put  together.  This  is  furely  a  fuihcient  evidence 
of  the  vigour  of  nature.  Mr.  Jefferfon  mentions  nn 
American  bifon  that  weighed  eighteen  hundred 
pounds,  a  bear,  four  hundred  and  ten  pounds,  and 
a  red  deer,  two  hundred  and  eighty-eight  pounds. 
He  quotes  Eytfon,  as  admitting  that  the  beaver,  the 
otter,  and  Ihrew-moufe,  are  larger  in  America 
than  in  Europe »  The  black  moofe,  is  faid  by  Kalm, 
to  be  as  high  as  a  tall  horfe,  and  by  Catefbeyj  to  be 


44  Si^ETCHSS   OF   THE 

about  the  bignels  of  a  middle-rized  ox.  Mr.  Jeffcf* 
foil  adds,  that  the  white  bear  is  as  large  in  America 
as  in  Europe.  If  the  domeflic  animals  of  North- 
America  are  inferior  to  thofe  of  Europe,  it  is  only 
fiom  want  of  care  in  thofe  who  breed  them. 
''  It  may  be  afiirmed  with  truth,  that  in  thofe 
*'  countries,  and  witli  thofe  individuals  of  America, 
^^  w^here  necedity  or  curiofity  has  produced  equal 
*'  attention,  as  in  Europe,  to  the  nourifhment  of 
^'  animals,  the  hories,  cattle,  fliecp,  and  hogs  q£ 
"  the  one  continent  are  as  large  as  thofe  of  the 
*'  other. '^^  BufFon  reckons  two  hundred  ap.d 
twenty-ilx  difrerei:jt  fpecies  of  quadrupeds.  Of 
thefe,  it  appears  from  tables  printed  by  Mr.  Jef- 
ferfon,  that  an  hundred  arc  peculiar  to  America, 
and  that  before  its  diicovery,  it  contained  twenty- 
fix  others  common  to  Europe.  Dr.  Robertfon  was 
miftaken  in  faying^  upon  the  authority  of  Euffon, 
that  ''  of  two  hundred  different  kinds  of  animals, 
*'  ipread  over  the  face  of  the  earth,  only  about 
*'  one-third  exifled  in  America,  at  the  time  of  its 
^'  difcovery.''t 

If  Dr.  Robertfon  hadrefidedforfix  months  in  Ken* 
tucky,  he  might  have  avoided  iomc  errors  in  his 
account  ofthecharad:erand  condition  of  the  favages. 
He  v/ould  have  underftood  more  from  fludying 
t/i^ir  manners.^  living  as  they  rife^  than  any  other 
perfon  will  learn  on  that  fubjedl,  from  peru^ng  his 
elaborate  dilTertation  of  an  hundred  and  thirty-eight 
quarto  pages.  It  is  told  and  believed,  on  the  other 
fide  of  the  .Atlantic,  that  very  few  people  of  either 
fex,  in  this  cDuntry  are  unmarried  at  the  age  of 
twenty,  and  that  nothing  is  more  common  than  to 
fee  a  couple,  whofe  ages  together  eg  iiot  exceed 
thirty,  Bolfon,  New- York,  and  Philadelphia,  con- 

♦  Notes  '^n  the  State  of  Virginia.    AJiT,  Fzo^yCTiOKff. 
+  ibid. 


H  I  f  T  O  R  Y    C  V    AM  E  R  1:0  A.  2; 

tain  ii)  ^yliole,  abqiit  an  hiaiulrcd  and  twenty  thou- 
land  iuhaijitants  leis  or  more  ;  and  in  thcic  three, 
ci'vie^i,  it  is  hardy  probable,^  that  three  iuch  couples 
;irQ,tp  be,  Siiiiuk  Speaking  of  North-AniCi  ica,  Dr, 
^inith  lays,  ^'  Labour  is  there  To  well  rewarded^ 
'•  that   a  numerous  family  of  children, 'inf-ead  of 
*v  being  a  burthen,   is   a  ib jLirce  of  opulence   and 
V'  proiperity  to  the  p:-,r,entsi,  The  labour  of  eacii, 
'^  child,  Ldbrti^  il  can  leave  the  hcufe^  is  computed  to 
"  be  \vorth  one  hundred  pounds  clear  gain  to  them. 
^' A  young  \yido.vy,  with  f;>ur  or  five  yourg  children, 
'^  who,  among  tb'^middlingor  inferior  ranksofpeo- 
'>  pie  in  Europe,   would  have  little  chance  for  a 
*'  fecond  hiii^^ap^d,   is  tiicre  frequently  confidered 
V  as  a  fort  affajrtune.   The  x'e7/z/6' of  children  is  the 
'' .greateft  qf  all  inducements   to   marriage.    V/e 
"  cannot,   tjiercfore,,  wonder  that  the   people  ia 
'.'  lS[orth    America    fhould  generally    marry   ver^ 
^^  young,  Notwithflanding  the  great  increafe  occa- 
'  ■  lioned  by  fuch  early  marriages,   there  is  a  con- 
'*'.  tinu^il  complaint  of  the  fcarcity  of  hands  jn  North- 
'^  Am.e/ica."f    The  author  h^d  been  mifi  11  formed 
i'lr  every  particular.    K  family  of  children  is   not 
fuch  a  burthen  here  as  in  Europe,  unlefs  in  the  fea- 
port  towns,     becaufe  the  plenty  of  land,    and  the 
iightneis  of  our  taxes,    have  introduced  ,a  general 
eaic  of  circumilances.     But    examples    are    rare, 
where  children  have. been  a  fqurce  of  opulence  and 
profperity  to  their   parents.    The  reverie   is   fre- 
quently the  cafe;  though  jafc  as  in  England  it  may 
fometimes  happen.    As  to  the  hundred  pounds  of 
clear  (jaln^  by  the /.<?Z''i;z//- of  each  child  before  it  can 
leave  the  honfe,    an   hundred    cents  would    have 
been  a  more  probable  calcidation.  'The yotiniJ  widow ^ 
will  have  juil;  as  little  chance  for  a  hufband,  in  one 

*  Incjuiry  into  die  Nature  and  Caufs  of  the  Wealth  of  Nations* 
Book  l.chao.  viii, 

D 


46  SKltTCRES    OF    THli 

of  the  iea-port  towns  of  the  United  States,   where 
fnhCdlencc  has  univerfally  become  very  expcr.flvc, 
as  in  any  part  of  En-laiid.    Yet,  fuch  marriages 
occaflonally  take  place  in   both  countries.    la  the 
country,  where  food  may  be  had  for  a  trifle,  an 
i\inerican  fanner  might  not  be  much  afraid  of  fuch 
an  ipxcumbrance  with  a  wife,  yet  he  would  coniider 
four  or  five  children  to  be  one.  The  value  of  chil* 
dren,  regarded  merely  as  working  machines,  would 
be  an  idle  motive  to  matrimony,  fmce  it  would  be 
more   expedient    to    hire    fervants.     The  prefent 
generation  is  fuillciently  dilpofed  to  leave  another 
behind  it  ;^  but  not  for  the  money  that  is  to  be  ac- 
quired by  rearing  of  children.    As  to  the   great 
increafe  by  fuch  e^rly  marriiiges,  in  a  confiderablc 
portion,  at  lea^l,  of  this   continent,   marriages  arc 
not  perceptibly  more  early  than  in  Europe,  or,  if 
a  difference  can   be  foundj   it  is  but  fmall.    Mr. 
Barton,   in  the  article  before  quoted,   has  made  a 
lar<re  colle<ftion  of  the  various  amount  of  births  in 
proportion  to  marriages,  in  France,  England,  Prui^ 
fia,  Switzerland,    2nd  other  parts  of  P^urope.    For 
thcfc  four  countries,  the  births  arc  about  four  to 
4;very  marriage,  '©r  fomewhat  Jefs.    He  quotes  the 
irecrilfcr  of  m'^'riav^cs  and  births  for  a  town  in  Maf* 
iachufetts,    during  the  courfe  of  fifty- four  years. 
The  former  ajiiountcd  to  five  hundred  and  twenty- 
one,  the  latter  to  two  thoufand  two  hundred  and 
forty-feven.    This  gives  four  births  to  every  mar- 
jfiage,  with  an  overpJL'.s  of  one  hundred  and  fixty- 
three,  oi*  lefs  than  one  third*  But  no  fingle  inftancc 
can  be  a  fatisfa»fl:ory  evidence  of  the  fuperior  num- 
ber of  births  to  a  marriaoe,   for  the  whole  of  io 
vad  a  continent. 

One  would  imagine  that,  at  leafl,  of  the  gre«t 
fea-port  towriS  in  America,  the  writers  of  Europe 
fhould  have  a  competent  knov/ledpc.  This  does  not 


HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  «,7 

always  appear  to  be  the  cafe.  Mr,  Payne,  in  de- 
icribing  Philadelphia,  has  favoured  his  readers  wim 
the  following  information,  ''  It  (the  ^ity)  is  ieated 
''  between  two  navigable  rivers,  the  Del.ivvare on  the 
*'  wej?^  and  tne  Sc/'nylkill on  the  e<'ij^.  Every  owner  of 
''  a  thoufand  acres  has  his  houfe  in  one  of  the  two 
'^  fronts  facing  thrrivsr^  or  in  the  high  fiireet,  riin- 
"  ning  from  the  middle  of  one  front  to  the  middlti 
*'  of  the  other. — Several  canals  are  let  into  the  town 
"  from  cadi  ?'ivei\  v/hich  add  to  the  beauty  and 
"  convenience  of  the  place. — lis  quay  is  two  hua~ 
*'  drcd  feetfquare.^ — ^The  city  contains  about  twenty 
"  thoufand  inhabitants/^*  Thisdeicriptlpnischieiiy 
boiTowed  fj  om  Guthrie,  with  a  few  variations,  at 
the  fancy  of  the  tranfcriber.  Guthrie,  who,  in  bir> 
turn,  borrows  from  Burke,  has  placed  the  Delaware 
on  the  north^  and  the  Schuylkill  on  tnQjouth  of  the 
city,  to  which  be  aligns  thirty  thouj'and  inhabi- 
tants^'. To  .in  American  reader,  fwch  defcripticns 
require  no  criticifm.  The  city  and  liberties  exteiid 
about  two  miles  and  an  half  in  length  from  north. 
to  fouth,  but.  with  a  fmall  inclination  to  If  e  eafi, 
clofe  upon  the  wcilern  bank  of  the  Delaware.  The 
city  fpreads  for  about  half  a  mile  from  the  bank 
of  that  river  towards  the  Schuylkill,  which  runs  \\\ 
a  parallel  line  to  the  Delaware,  wefl  of  it,  about > 
two  miles.  As  to  '^  the  two  fronts  facing  the  ri.ier, 
*'  and  the  canals  let  into  the  town  from  each  river,'* 
there  is  nothing  like  them.  By  a  report,  dated  the 
19th  of  Auguit,  179 1,  the  city  contained  forty-two 
thoufand  five  hundred  and  twenty  inhabitants. 
The  fever,  in  fuxiimer,  1793^  fwept  off  about 
five  thoufand  people,  yet  the  number  is  at  prefent 
perhaps  more  than  fifty  thoufand. 

*  Uriiverfal  Geograpliy,  Book  IV,  p.  3©^.  This  book  was  print- 
ed at  Dublin,  in  17^ 3>  in  t'A'O  large  quswio  volumes. 

■f  Geographical  Grammar,   London  Qn,arto  lydidon,   i7C)2j  p^ 


iS  SKETCHES    OF    THE 

Hundreds  cf  miftn.kcs  cf  all  forts  may  be  coilefred 
from  Payne  and  Guthrie.  The  former  tells  us,  for 
example,  that  Maryland  contains'^'  r^h  hjitidred  end 
^'  thirty  thoiijartd  Inliabilants/'  By  the  cciifiis  of 
1 79 1,  Maryland  had  three  hundred  and  nine t}'^- 
xC^'Q.-^  tlioufarid  feven  hundred  and  t^Yenty-cight 
inhabltanls.  It  is  neecllcfsto  fpend  further  time  upon 
Payne  and  Guthrie,  "  upon  faults  too  evident  for 
"  detection,  and  too  profs  for  aggravation*'. 

One  chargg  yet  rem-^insto  be  noticed,  which  has 
been  repeated  in  a  tlioufand  different'  forms.  ItTs 
here  inferted,  in  the  wcrds  of  Dr.  Johnfon, 
in  liis  "  Obfervations  on  the  State  of  Alfidrs,  in 
*''  1756.""  After  obferving  of  the  contef]:  between 
France  and  England,-  -about  their  boundaries,  in 
North-Anvzrica,  ''  that  ho  hone.'^  fnan  can  lieartily 
'^  wifli  fuccefs  to  either  party,"  he  proceeds  thus, 
ss  to  the  general  title  oi  the  European. fettlers  to 
their  lands  on  this  continent  : 

"■  It  cannot  be  faid,  tliat  the  Indiar.s  originally 
"  invited  us  to  their  coails ;  we  went  un.callcd,  and 
"^  une?i:peclcd,  to  nations  who  had  no  imagination 
''  that  the  cartli  contained  any  inhabitants  fo  dif- 
*'  tant  and  fo  different  from  themfelves.  We  af^ 
"  tonidicd  tliem  with  our  fliips,  with  our  arms, 
''  and  with  our  general  fuperiority.  They  yielded 
"  to  us  as  to  beings  of  anotlier  and  htgher  race^ 
''  fent  among  them  from  fome  unknown  regions, 
''  with  power,  which  naked  Indiaiis  could  not  re- 
^'  fifi ;  and  v.'liich  they  were-,  therefore,  by  every 
^'  aft  of  humility,  to  propitiate, -that  tliey,  who 
^'  could  fo  cafdy  deliroy,  niight 'be  induced  to 
*'  fpare. 

*  Dr.  b^hnfon  on  Cym')din'*.  A  rifu' cciitlon  of  Guthrie's  Geo- 
graphical Grammar,  hr.s  Ir^cn  printed  ir»  Plilladelphia.  'I'hat  part  ot" 
the  vyork  which  rclnred,  to  the  Unitcil  Stat^^s,  was  written  rotircl/ 
pvcr'agaii].  The  crigiaal  was  100  impcrfcvl  for  criicndation. 


HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  29 

*'  To  this  influence,  and  to  this  o My,  are  to  b^ 
*'  attributed  ail  therC(!''iio'ns  aD<l  fubmiilions  of  the 
*'  Indian  princes,  if,  indeed,  any  inch  cejjlons  rcere 
^^  e'&er  made-^  of  which  vvc  have  had  no  witnefs'bnt 
"  thofewho  claim  from  them,  and  there  is  nop  ixai: 
"  malignity  iri  iiKpedingt^iatthoic  who  \\d^c  rolled 
^"'^iiave  alib  lied"^ . 

'W\z  quertion  h^3  been  warmly  debated,  what 
ri^^ht'EuVopeanc  cv(?r4iad  to  territories. in  America? 
When  the  Spaniards  i'lid  wall^  |»cpiiIons  and  civi- 
lized empires,,  the  naUire'ef  their  condiift  needs 
no  il  Li  drat  ion .  W  c  friiril  here  ipeak  onJy  of  the  fet-^ 
tiement  of  thol^  colonies,  thst  are  now  compre- 
hended in  the  federal  union.'  With  re^^ard  to  tiicm, 
hiiirory  will  not  inpport  or  jirrrify  the  harih  langijag^ 
that  lic.s  been  fomctimes  emplc}7ed. 

New-England  contains  nearly  one-vifth,  part  of 
the  people  in  the  United  States.  It  vras  originally 
colonized  by  perlons  who  conducted  themfclves  on 
the  principles  of  Rricl  jairicr.  in  March,  1621, 
r>iafi^.(roitj  one  of  the  principal  Indian  chiefs,  vifited 
tlie  Plymouth  fettlers.  He  entered  into  a  treaty 
\vith  them.  It  was  inviolably  obferved  by  himfeif 
and  his  fiicceiTors  for  fifty  years;  and,  at  this  day, 
the  name  of  MafafToit  is  remembered  in  Nev/- 
Engiand  Vv^ith  refpe-fV  and  gratitude.  Nevv'-York  was 
firfl  planted  by  the  Dutch  ;  and  this  event  does  not 
feem  to  be  marked  by  any  flrong  fymptor.is  of  hol- 
tility,  or  of  fraud.  1  he  lands  of  Pennlylvania  were 
honeflly  purchaled  from  the  Indians.  They  adhered 
pcacealDly  to  their  bargain,  and  no  third  party  is 
entitled  to  objedl  againfl  it.  As  to  Virginia,  Mr. 
JefFerfon,  in  his  Notes,  obferves,  "  that  the  lands 
"  of  this  country  were  taken  from  them  (the  na- 
''  tives)  by  concuefl-,  is  not  fo  general  a  truth  as  is 

t  Murpby's  E'4it'on  of  Johnfon's  Worksj  Vol.  II,  p.  282; 


^'  SKETCHES    OF    THB 

''  foppcied.  I  find,  in  our  biftorians  and  records^ 
^^  repeated  proofs  of  pur  chafe,  whicU  cover  a  corr 
'^  liderable  part  of  the  lower  countrv  ;  and  many 
^'  more  would,  doubtlefs,  be  four^d  on  farther 
^^  fearch.  The  upper  country  we  kuow  has  been 
'•  acquired  altogether  by  purchjie,  made  /;/  t/ie  niofi 
**  unexceptionable  prm^'  As  for  tlie  other  flates, 
we  fhall  find,  that,  in  general,  the  lands  have 
been  acquired  at  a  price  which  w^-^s  confidcred 
as  adequate,  by  both  parties.  Siibfequent  breaches 
of  treaty  have  been  committed  on  each  fide.  In 
confcquence,  quarrels  cnfned,  jail-  as  they  do  in 
Europe.  They  coulii  not  always  be  avoided  here, 
any  more  than  in  the  old  world,  unlefs  the  new 
iettlers  had  defertcd  their  lands  and  left  North- 
America  to  remain  a  v/ilc^M'nefs. 

In  fome  parts  of  Virginia,  Mr.  Jeiterfon  com- 
putes, that  the  Indians  were  as  or^e  to  every  fquare 
mile.  Other  regions  of  the  continent  were  flill 
more  defolate.  Of  this  Dr.  Robertlbn  gives  the 
following  infbanccs.  Amiffionary  travelled  from  the 
Illinois  to  Machilhmackinac.  In  twelve  days,  the 
party  ^i^  not  meet  with  a  finglc  human  creature. 
Dr.  Brickell,  in  an  excurfion  from  North-Carclina 
towards  the  mountains,  did  not,  in  the  courfe  of  fif- 
teen days,  meet  any  pcrfon  whatever.  I'he  continent, 
with  a  few  exceptions,  contained,  perhaps,  not  more 
than  a  thouiandth  part  of  the  people  whom  it  was 
capable  of  fabfifling.  Such  vafl  tracls  of  excellent 
land  ought  not  to  lie  wafle  ;  and  they  never  would 
have  been  peopled  by  the  Indians.  The  Europcan$ 
purchafed  extenfive  territories  on  the  coafl,  and 
colonized  them.  If  the  natives  found  themfelve§ 
incommoded  for  want  of  room,  they  had  it  in 
their  Option  to  retire  backwards  into  the  defart  ^ 
where  a  hunter  might  range  for  a  fortnight  without 
meeting  a  rival.  They  had,  therefore,  no  gi'cat  rea- 


HISTORY   OF    AMFRiCA.  31 

fcn  to  be  difcontectei:].  It  might  be  Cdidy  that  they^ 
coal  J  fabfiib  by  hunting  only,  and  that  to  deprive 
them  of  their  hunting  ground  was  to  ilarve  them. 
AVe  muil:  admit,  with  m.any  exceptions,  the  idea  that 
their  chief  rabfiitcrice  was  derived  from  the  chacc. 
The  tribes  on  the  north  and  fouth-weflern  frontier 
of  the  union,  havelirge  plantations  of  Indian  corn, 
and  raife  cattle  9  fo  that  they  now,  at  lead,  are  in 
very  little  dang^^r  of  ftarving,  though  they  ihoulcl 
HCver  hunt  at  all.  When  general  Sullivan  m-srched 
into  the  country  of  the  Six  Nations,  he  found  exten- 
Hve  orchards  and  cornfields.  General  Wayne^  iu 
Augull:,  1794,  declared,  that  the  Pviiamis  had  the 
largejfl:,corn  fields  which  he  ever  faw  in  America; 
and  it  has  been  faid,  that  they  extended  to  five  thou- 
fand  acres.  Some  writers  indeed  feem  to  think  th^^^t 
it  was  culpable  to  take  Indian  jands,  upon  any  term.s, 
and  expatiate  on  the  trifling  prices  paid  for  them. 
But  thefe  lands  are  in  reality  worth  very  little  to  a 
tribe  of  hunters  compared  with  their  value  to  a  na- 
tion of  farjners  and  manufacfiurers.  There  is  no 
harm  in  buyin^^  ground  from  an  Indian  community 
any  more  than  froma  private  perfon  in  Europe.  Why 
fhould  a  tribe  of  two  or  tiiree  hundred  Imnters 
cngrolb  :in  extent  of  land  eqnai  to  the  fupport  of 
five  hundred  thoufand  or  a  million  of  people?  The 
Indians  on  our  frontier  are  not,  at  prefent,  famed 
for  iimplicity;  as  wull  appear  in  a  future  part  of  this 
volume. 

Mr.  Guthrie,  in  his  Geographical  Grammar,  ef^ 
timates  the  whole  inhabitants  of  America  at  one 
hundred  and  fifty  millions.  This  is  a  very  wild 
miilake.  The  amount  may  be  afcertained  with  to- 
lerable accuracy..  The  fubje^ri;  is  curious  and  de- 
ferves  our  attention. 

oy  the  cenilisof  1791,  the  United  States  contain-- 
cdj  three  iiiiliior.s,  nine  biir.dred^and  twenly-r.ine- 


32  SKETGn^ES    OF    THE 

thoiif^nd,  thfGSjhiindred  and  twenty- Hx  pcrfqps,; 
£cin\e  diflrlfti  were  not  included.  I'he  vvhois,  ac- 
cording to  Morfe,  vol  I.  p.  207,  may  have  beeP; 
three  millions,  nine  hundred  and  fifty  thoufLin  j/ 
In  1784,  Canada,  by  a  cenilis,  was  found  to  have 
one  hundred  and  thirteen  thou^fand  and  twelve  in-. 
|iab;taiits^,  befides  ten  thoufand  loyalifts,  in  the  up- 
per parts  of  the  province.  The  total  population  of 
thsBriti.Oi  dominions  of  North-America  can  fcarce- 
ly  exceed  tv«  o  hundred  thoufaiid.  The  native  In- 
diihs  may  be  gu;:'ircd  at  ^n  equal  number ;  and  the 
fcutlcrs  in  th^Spaniih  part  of  Korih  America,  at  an 
hundred  thpcUind.,  Thefe  make  together  half  a 
m.ilhon.  About  "feyep-y ears  have  elapfed,  ilnce  the 
cenilis  of  the/vJn.-ted  pt:r.ties.  The  people  may  be 
nor  ^u^^-cientsd  ,by  one  miiliqn,  Thus,  if  weallov/ 
iive  miiUons  to  the  ^fderal  government,- and  five 
hvindre.d  thoufand  tothe8painards,  theBritifh,  and 
Indians,  we  l^ave,  in  whole,  five  millions,  an4 
ail  half*.  Theesppire  .91  Mexico  is  divided  into  nine 
dioccfes  ;  and  in  .ij^i^  a  csnfus  -was  made  of  the 
pjrople  in  four  of  .ti^eie,  and  in  fp me  part  of-a  fifth. 
The  Indian  families  were  two  iiundretcl and  ninety- 
four  thouland,  three  hundred  and  ninety-one,  which, 
at  n ve  to  ^  fm}ily,^,j:iiake  one  miilion,  four  hundred 
ar=d  fv?vent:y-Qii>c  thou  land,  pine  hundred  and  ffty- 
five.  Dr.  Robertfog^  .who  gives  this  ftatemcnt,  fub^ 
joins,  th  T  of  the  diocefes  omitted,  "  the  In- 

'^  dian  r.  .■..  ,^  xnore  numerous  than  /n  any  (other) 
.*'  p::rt  of  I\-iv  Spain.^^  In  Nova.Galicia,  v^hich  he 
terms. avail:  pro ;  ipcQ^:  the  people^  of  only  ^'  a  fmall 
'*•  part  of  11,-'  \ycrf',nuiiabsrcd.  We  may,  therefore, 
•Con c  1  J.  de,  t  h at  tb e  fo,iir  diflri<Sls ,  V7 lier e  th e  In  ch an s 
vvers  apt.  number ed.. at  ail,'  ^and  that  part  of  Nova 
Gall cia  w^hich  was  left  unrurve3:ed,  contains,  at  leaf!:, 
as  many  Indians,'  as  the  other  part  of  the  empire. 
The  hifi;vrian5  therefor:?,  v/as  certciinly  inaccuriit^ 


HISTORY   OF   AMERICA.  $$ 

in  faying,  that  ''  the  number  of  Indians  in  the  Mex* 
*'  lean  empire  exceeds  tivo  miilions."  By  his  own 
account,  tiicy  mufl  have  been  not  lefs  than  three 
millions,  in  1741,  when  this  imperfecl  cenius  was 
made  in  four  dioceies  only,  and  part  of  a  ffth  one, 
out  of  the  whole  nine.  About  fifty-three  years  have 
iince  elapied.  They  are,  upon  the  whole,  increafing, 
of  wuich  Dr.  Smith  has  brought  ibme  evidence^, 
fo  that  by  this  time,  they  are,  nioft  likely,  four 
millions.  The  other  inhabitants  of  ]\iej<ico  are,  by 
the  higiieft  computation  of  Dr.  Robertion,  three 
millions.  Thus  we  have  feven  millions  for  Me^iico, 
«ndPera  is  not  beieived  tobe  more  populous t  Ad- 
mitting tbefe  two  empires  to  contain  fourteen  mil- 
lions ofinhabitants,  and  the  other  Spanhh  dominions 
on  the  continent  of  South-America  two  millions, 
we  have  thus  fixtcen  millions.  Four  millions  will  be 
fufficient  for  Brafil  and  Paraguay.  Ihe  reft  of  that 
continent,  afewfpots  excepted,  is  a  defart.  Hence 
the  cotal  number  of  inhabitants  in  South-America 
does  not  amount  to  more  than  twenty  millions,  nor 
thofe  in  North-America  to  more  than  five  millions 
and  an  half;  at  ieaft  the  over-plus  cannot  be  confi- 
derables. 

The  inhabitants  of  the  United  States  liavCj  by 
various  calculations,  been  found  to  double  upon 
a  medium,  in  twenty-five  years*  Hence,  in  1847, 
their  prefeht  population  of  five  millions  Will  have 
ex-tended  to  twrhty,  and  in  1897,  to  eighty  mil- 
lions. By  the  fame  progrefs,  the  clofe  of  the  nine- 
teenth century  would  comprehend  an  augmen- 
tation to  twelve  hundred  and  eighty  millions ;  and 
as,  before  that  time,  the  northern  continent  niuft  be 
over  ftocked  with  people,  the  over-plus  will  nati»- 
rally  find  vent  in  the  fouthern  continent.    Under 

♦  Inquiry  into  th«  WcaUh  cf  Nations,  B«ok  ¥•  Chap,  vij.  Van IV 


;4  SKETCHES    OF    THB 

'  many  clifHculties,  the  people  of  Ncw^Englandj  m 
1  ]>articular,  have  continued  for  an  hundred  and  fifty 
V  years  to  multiply  in  the  preceding  proportion  ;  and 
there  is  no  reafon  to  think,  that  the  ratio  will  here- 
,  after  decreafe. 

Peru  was  conquered  about  two  hundred  and 
.  fifty  years  ago,  and  Mexico  at  a  more  early  period- 
.  Since  that  time,  thefe  countries  have  remained  in 
■  ti'anquUiity ;  and  yet  it  is  very  jdoubtfui  whether, 
including  every  colour,  they  contain  at  prcfentfive 
-times  the  number  of  people  whicli  were  to  be  found 
fin  them  imm.ediatcly  after  the  Spanifa  conqueft. 

.Since  the  firfl  torrent  of  emigration.,  in  the  reign 
of  Charles  I.  very  f&w  individuals  have  ever  gons 
'  to  fc^ttle  in  New-England ;  but  there  has  been  a  con- 
.  Ibant  ftreani  of  emigration  from  it  into  the  other 
•colonies.     The    original    lettlers    amounted,     by 
Hutx:hinion's   account,  to  about  twenty  thoufand, 
and,  including  Vermont,  that    part  of  the  union 
:  has  now  a  million  of  people.  Thus,  in  a  century 
and  an  half,  the  firft  colony  has  augmented  to  fifty 
times  its  primitive  rmraber ;  while  the  increafe  in 
-the  Spanifn  provinces  bears  not  anything  that  ap- 
proaches to   a  corrcfpondent  proportion.    Such  is 
the  eternal  difference  bet^veen  freedom  and  fiavery. 
i  Under  a  government  like  ours>   the  Spanifli  colo- 
,  nies  might,  by  this  time,  have  made  the  banks  of 
'the  Amazon  and  tlieLa  Plata,  as  populous  as  thofe 
of  the  Delaware  and  the  Hudfon. 


H  n  T  O  R  Y   (J  F  ■  A  !vf  K  I^IV  A, 


-  ■  C  H  A  P  T  E  R    ir. 

European  Supremacy .--^Britmn.—-Sui72nmry  of  her 
colonial  ^yjiem^' — At  no  expence  in  foiiriditi<y  her 
colonics. — IVarjof  1689,  1702,  andiji^. — /Var 
of  1756. — •T'he  real  caiije  of  that  war. ^^ Its  enor^ 
7,ious  cxpence^  and  ahjurd  con  dud  on  the  part  of 
Brifain^^—Injignificance  of  Canada  to  that  coun- 
try.— Approaching  fubverjion  of  European  Jupre^ 
?nacy  in  every  part  of  America. — Mr.  Harpy's 
prcpofal. 

jl\  S  the  native  Americans  were,  in  ^ 
«  great  mcafarc,  defencelcfs,  thefovereignsof  Eu- 
rope immediately  marked  out  this  continent  for  their 
prey  ;  and  a  confidcrable  portion  of  it  continues  to 
lang aif]i  in  their  fetters.  Bytiacrrant  ufurpation,  they 
aiTumed  the  right  of  granting  patents  and  charters, 
for  difcovery  and  colonization,  on  the  wedern  fhore 
of  the  Atlantic.  If  Coliinibus  had  accomplifhrd  3 
voyage  to  tlie  moon,  or  if  Cabot  had  aicended  to 
the  planet  Herfchel,  a  king  of  Spain  or  England, 
might,  with  equal  plauflbility,  have  claimed  a  title 
of  parcelling  but  thefe  regions  to  Cortez,  or  to  Penn, 
This  was  a  violation  of  natural  jnftice,  Which  had 
no  precedent  among  the  ancients.  When  the  Giey 
cian  republics  difperfed  colonies  on  the  coafl:  of 
Alia,  they  never  attempted  to  alTume  that  lort  of 
dominion,  which  hath  fincc  been  claimed  by  the 
monarchs  of  Europe.  The  Americans,  during  the 
late«rev6lation,  might  have  fpared  much  of  their 
labour  in- proving  what  rights  they,  h^d acquired^ 


^i  SKETCHES  ©F  THE 

by  their  charters,  from  the  Britif]i  crown.  All  gs.^ 
vernment,  which  is  not  founded  on  the  legitiraatc 
confent  of  the  people,  and  condu^lted  by  thc/^  re- 
prefentatives,  is,  in  itfelf,  ufurpation  Hence/  vheu 
a  British  monarch  gave  a  title  to  countries  which 
were  not  his  own,  it  was  to  be  fuppofed  that  his 
fucceflbrs,  in  the  fame  fpirit  of  robbery,  would  em* 
brace  the  firfl  temptation  to  bieak  their  part  of  the, 
engagement.  But  tliis  breach,  on  their  fide,  was  of 
little  confequence;  becauie,  fuch  patents  and  diar* 
ters  formed  an  infuit  upon  common  fcnfe,  and  the 
priinitive  rights  of  mankind, 

If  the  Britifli  government  iiad  been  at  an)'-  charge 
in  founding  colonies  in  North  America,  there  might 
Jiave  been  fome  rcafon  for  aiTuming  a  privik^e  to 
give  them  laws,  to  linother  their  manufa^lures,  and 
reftric^  their  navigation.  But,  in  place  of  money 
or  alFiflance,  fhe  gave  them  nothing,  or  next  to 
liothing,  but  charters,  for  poirelling  tcrritoi  ies  tiiat 
were  not  her^s  to  bellov/,  and  of  which  Ihe  did  not 
always  know  under  what  degree  of  latitude  they 
were  plac,ed.  The  numerous  miftakes  in  extendingj 
royal  v^rants  have  produced  confufion  and  l^i^a- 
Ipion  in  the  colonies.  The  fettlers  oi  America  were 
able,  without  foreign  alllitance,  to  h?^ve  madelaws,> 
and  marked  out  boundaries  for  themfclves.  Eng- 
land intcrpofed  in  this  w^ay  for  one  fingle  purpofo 
only,  that,  as  foon  as  the  colonies  became  a  fit  ob- 
j^6l  for  taxation,  or  monopoly,  ftie  might  fecure  tQ 
laerfeif  the  whole  benefits  that  could  be  drawn  froni 
them.  People,  to  this  day,  and  even  on  this  lido 
of  the  Atlantic,  perfiil  in  terming  Britain  th© 
fiiothcr  country.  If  her  relation  to  her  colonies  de- 
ferved  a  domeftic  name,  it  was  that  of  a  jealous  aj»4 
bloody  flep-mother. 

In  the  exportation  of  their  own  furplus  producCjj 
the  Britiih  coloaies,.  both  of  North-America^  aii4 


HISTORY   OF    AMSRIOA.  sj 

tlic  Weft-Indies,  were  greatly  refrri^icd  by  a<fls  of 
parliament.  Part  of  their  produiftions  could  be  ex* 
ported  orjly  to  Britain.  By  confining  tobacco  and 
cotton,  for  inllancc-,  to  the  iiome  market,  the  Bri- 
tilh  meichAnts  expeded  that  they  would  be  able  ta^ 
buy  them  cheaper  in  the  plantations,  and  to  fell 
them  with  abetter  profit  in  Britain .  1  he\  likewife 
propofed,  by  this  regulation,  to^cilablifh,  in  tucirown 
favour,  between  the  colonies  and  foreign  countiies, 
zn  advantageous  carrying  trade^  of  which  Britain 
was  to  be  the  centre,  as  the  only  country  in  Eui  opa 
h:!to  which  tlicfe  commodities  were  hrii  to  be  im- 
ported, Britain  encouraged  America  in  the  manu- 
fa£lurc  of  pig  and  bar  iron,  by  exempting  thera- 
from  duties  to  w^hich  the  iiice  commodities  were 
fubjedlcd,  when  imported  from  any  other  country^ 
Yet  an  abfolute  prohibition  was  irnpofed  upon  tiia 
crevHrion  of  (leel  furnaces,  and  Hitting  mills  in  any 
cf  the  colonies.  England  would  not  iulier  her  co- 
loniits  to  work  in  thole  more  refined  manufa (.'hires, 
even  for  their  own  confumption.  They  were  to 
purchafe,  from  her  merchatits  and  manufacturers, 
;a;il  goods  of  this  kind,  for  which  they  had  oceafion. 
She  prohibited  the  exportation  from  one  pro-' 
vince  to  another  by  water,  and  even  the  carriage 
by  land  upon  horfeback,  or  in  a  cart,  of  hats,  of- 
wools  and  woollen  goods  of  the  produce  of  Ame- 
fica.  This  regulation  prevented  the  eilabliihpient 
of  any  manufadlures  of  fuch  commodities  for  cil^ 
tant  fale;  and  confined  the  induilry  of  the  Ame- 
ricans in  this  way,  to  fuch  coarfe  and  houfliold  mar 
fiufadtures,  as  a  private  family  commonly  make$ 
for  its  own  ufe,  or  for  that  of  fome  of  its  neigh- 
bours in  the  fame  province.  After  reciting  thefo 
reflridlions.  Dr.  Smith  adds,  that  ''  to  prohibit  a 
*'  great  people  from  making  all  that  they  can  of 
*f  every  part  pf  their  owj>  proditeej  of  ftani  emploj^-' 


38  SKETCHES  OF   THE       ' 

•^'  ing  their  (lock  and  induftry  in  the  way  that  they  ^ 
*'  judge  moft  advantageous  to  themfelves,  is  a  ma^ 
^^  nijcfl  violation  of  the  mojl  facred  rights  of  man" 
'^  kind^'.*'  The  Englifh  nation  had  originally  af- 
iliraed  a  right  of  enabling  laws  to  Vv hich  they  had 
no  lawful  or  honefl  claim  ;  and  a  multitude  of  the 
ftatutes  which  they  made  were  in  '^  manifeft  vio- 
*'  lati®n  of  the  mod  facred  rights  of  mankind/^ 
Nor  is  this  an  liafly  or  unguarded  expreflion.  For 
the  author  adds,  that  theic  prohibitions  were  "  onlj'' 
*'  impertinent  badges  offlavery  impofed  upon  them 
^*  (the  colonics)  without  any  furricisnt  reafon,  by 
''  the  groundleisjealoufy  of  the  merchants  andma- 
''  nufafturcrs  of  the  viother  countr}-  /' 

This  account  oudit  to  cahn  the  raptures  of  Anie- 
rican  gratitude  towards  the  iuprcmacy  of  Britain, 
even  in  its  belt  days,  and  its  mildelt  form.  Her 
commercial  regulations  have  always  been  adapted, 
or,  at  Icaft,  defigned,  to  ferve  her  own  inlerefl  at 
the  expence  of  the  reft  of  the  world,  her  colonies 
liot  excepted.  How  far  ihe  was  fuccefsful  in  this 
effort,  may  be  gathered  from  the  intercfling  llate- 
mcnt  exhibited  by  the  fame  authort.  We  (hall  now. 
inveftigate  fome  of  the  pnncipal  features  of  her 
adininiilration,  where  the  concerns  of  the  mercan-- 
tile  interefl  did  not  give  an  imprefiion. 

In  the  fi^d  place,  it  does  not  appear  that  the  crown 
of  England  bore  almoft  any  part  of  the  charges  of 
founding  the  colonies,  that  nowcompofe  the  fixteen 
United  States.  Before  the  year  1589,  Sir  Walter 
Raleigh  had  expended  forty  thouland  pounds  flcr- 
ling,  in  attempting  to  fettle  adventurers  in  Virginia. 
This  fum  was  equal  in  valu^  to  one  hundred  and 
fifty  or  two  hundred  thoufand  pounds  flerling  at 

*  Inquiry  into  the  Nature  and  Gaufes  of  the  Vv^calthof  Natiojif* 
Boolv  IV.  Chap,  vii.  Part  li. 

Ilbid.  Part  III,  ■  '  ..-.-. 


H.IS.TORY    CJ'.- AMERICA.  ,  S9 

^  Jihls  day.Kalcigh  was  "  ob[lru<51edocQ.aGonally  hy  the 
*'  crown,  without,  a  JiiiUing  of  aid  fro7n  it'^^\  His 
fubfequcnt  expcnccs  inufl  like  wife  have  been  very- 
great.   Raleigh  was,  in  1603,  inipriibned,  and^  in 
.  1609,  James  thc^firfb,  granted  a  charter  for  fettling 
^Virginia  to  a  company. 

"  The  king  and  company  quarrelled^  and,  by  a 
**  mixture  of  law  and  force,  the  latter  were  oufted 
*'  of  all  their  rights,  iviikont  retribution^  after  hav- 
;  *'  ing  expended  a  hundred  thoufand  pounds  frer- 
^'  ling  in  cflvibliflilng  the  color.y,  -without  the  Jmdlefl 
^'  aid  from  government ,  King  James  fnfpended  their 
**  po^vers  by  proclamation  of  July  15th,  16^4,  and 
"  Charles  the  firll  took  the  government  into  his 
"  ovvm  handst'\  Mr.  Jefrbrfon  mentions  a  variety 
of-  fiibfequent  ufurpations.  The  grant  of  Maryland 
to  lord  Baltimore  is  one  of  the  number.  This  was 
obtained  in  1632,  from  Charles  the  fir^.  It  was  not: 
till  after  many  years  of  folicitation,  that  Charles 
the  fecond  permitted  William  Penn  to  found  the 
colony  of  Pennfylvania.  Yet  Charles  himfelf  had 
no  title,  to  the  country,  except  that  general  one  de- 
.  rived  from  the  voyage  of  John  Cabott;  and  the 
.  grant  itfelf  was  to  coft  him  nothing.  This  was  the 
infolencc,  perverfencfs,  and  rapacity  of  a  court. 
Charles  the  fecond,  had  owed  confidcrable  fums  to 
admiral  Penn,  father  to  .William,  fo  that  the  grant 
was  the,  difqharge  of  a  debt.  New-York  and  Nevv'« 
Jerfey  were  torn  from  the  Dutch  by  Charles  the  fe- 

*  Jefferfon's  Notes  orf Virginia,  Art.  CoNSTITUTIo^•. 

-^Jhi^^-. 

;^  In  1496,   this  mariner  failed  from  Kngland,  in  quefl:  of  China, 

He-  fell  in  with  the  north  fide  of  Terra  Labrador.    On  this  notable 

atchievefnent   w^xt  founded  the  territorial  titles  of  the  eronn  of 

England  to  hcT  North- Americr.ii  domlntons.  The  French,  in  cneoif 

.  their  voyages  to  China,  f.^iind  themfelves,  in  May,   \  944,  in  the: 

Gulph  of  St,  La;vrence;  a  circumftancc,  from  ivhence  th^y  deduced 

their  right  to  Canads  ;  Carey's  Asicrican  JEdition  of  Guthrie,  Vvl. 

■    llvpi244.  ■    .'•       .,     '^'   ':.    ''■..'■    ::,..-       :.       '       •     v.-^ 


40  SKETCHES   OF  THE 

cQn{f,  in  one  of  his  piratical  wars  againfl  tlicir  r^ 
public.  He  afterwards  made  a  gift  of  New-Jerfey 
to  his  brother,  Jaines  the  fecond,  who  iold  it  to 
private  adventurers.  The  twojGarolinas  and  Georgia 
were  fettled  in  the  fame  way;  and,  if  the  founders 
received  pecuniary  aid  from  the  Britifh  government, 
it  was  too  trifling  to  deferve  detailed  notice. 

Maffachufetts  wasfirfl  fettled  in  1620.  A  number 
of  Englifh  partizans,  periecuted  at  home,  purchafed 
a  trad  of  territory,  fitiiated  u  ithin  the  jurifdicT:ioii 
of  the  Plymouth  company.  Theie  emigrants  were 
driven  from  their  native  country  v/ith  every  mark 
of  hoftllity  and  contempt.  Archbifliop  Laud,  under 
the  auipices  of  Charles  the  firft,  perfecuted  all 
tinds  of  n on- con foi mills  with  unrelenting  fury. 
The  puritans,  on  the  other  hand,  were  ready  to 
fubmit  to  all  the  rigour  of  perfecution,  rather  than 
to  give  ttp  their  religious  opinions,  and  conform  to 
the  church  of  England.  America  opened  an  exten- 
five  field;  and  Laud,  even  from  principles  of  poli- 
tical expediency,  fliould  have  been  glad  to  free  Eng- 
land from  fuch  diifatisfied  and  dangerous  inhabi- 
tants. The  vengeance  of  this  clergyman  was  not 
appeafed  by  the  exile  of  thofe  who  differed  from 
his  tenets.  Many  thoufands  of  diffenters,  indeed, 
cfcaped  from  their  infular  confinement ;  but  had 
not  Laud  interpofed  his  prohibition,  the  population 
of  Nevz-England  might,  at  this  day,  have  doubled 
its  prefent  amount. 

Befides  the  difficulty  of  obtaining  leave  to  fet- 
tle in  America,  the  colonifts  had  another  formid- 
able obRacIe  to  encounter  and  furmount.  The  crown 
of  England  had  parcelled  out  the  country  to  fome 
6f  its  hungry  dependents.  To  thefc  men  a  new  co- 
lony v/as  of  no  value,  but  for  what  could  be  fqueez- 
cd  out  of  it.  They  were  careful'to  exert  their  au- 
thority in  a  ilyle  y/oithy  of  the  &urce  frpi«  which 


HISTORY    OF   AMERICA,  41 

it  was  derived.  The  arbitrary  proceedings  of  the 
king  and  parliament,  in  afTuming  a  power  to  make 
liws  for  the   colonies  without  their  concurrence, 
filled  up  the  meafure  of  American  wrongs.  Britain, 
evidently  thruft  herfelf  into  the  government  of  this 
country  for  tlie  fake  of  what  (lie  could  get ;    and, 
accordingly,  when  the  colonies  had  made  fomc  pro- 
grefs  in  agriculture,  flie  was  ca^reful  to  cramp  their 
commerce  and  induliry,  by  vcjvatious  and  opprellive 
eJi£i:3.     In  this  account  there  appear  no  traces  of 
maternal  alTeclion.  The  royal,  or  parliamentary  au- 
thority, along  with  that  of  the  patentees,    was,  in 
all  cafes,  and  without:  exception,  a  gro{s  defpotifm, 
foanded  on  the  helplefsnefs  of  the  original  iettlers. 
Between  the  patentees,  however,  a  diiiindiion  rnufl 
be  made.     Of  Gorges   and  P^laibn,  the  colony  of 
Maffachufetts  knev/  little,  but  by  the  law-fuits  raif^ 
ed  in  fapport  of  their  claims.    As  far  as  they  or 
Penn  had  expended  money  in  fettling  or  improving 
the  colonics,  they  were  entitled  to  compcnfation ; 
and  certainly  no  farther. 

This  kind  of  reafoning  cuts  (hort  all  claims  of 
gratitude  on  the  part  of  America  towards  England.. 
As  England  never  had  any  right  of  making  laws  for 
America,  it  Is  not  worth  while  to  defcend  to  particu- 
lar inflances,  where  thefe  laws  wereoppreffive,  be- 
caule  the  wifeil  and  befi:  of  them  were,  in  equity, 
as  truly  void,  as  the  gift  of  an  cflate  by  a  pcrfon 
who  is  not  the  lawful  owner.  The  conftant  trans- 
portation of  all  forts  of  criminals  from  Britain  to 
the  colonies,  was  an  infult,  of  that  kind,  which 
might  have  excufed  the  Americans,  for  overlook- 
ing even  the  greatefl  obligations.  Lewis  the  four- 
teenth, if  aficed,  would  very  chearfully  have  ceded 
Canada,  Cape  Breton,  and  Nova  Scotia  to  England. 
Thefe  opportunities  were  neglected.  Judge  Hutch- 
infon  thinks  it  likelv,  that,  if  the  French  h^d  been 

F 


42  SKETCHES    or    THE 

driven  out  of  Canada,  an  hundred  years  foonerj 
Islew-England,  at  the  time  of  his  writing,  iii  1767, 
might  have  contained  two  hundred  thouiaKd  addi- 
tional j5eople.  Under  the  notion  of  England  being 
a  parent  ftate,  this  neglecSt  was  iiighly  culpable.  In 
reality,  it  does  not  appear  that  the  P^nglifh  govern* 
inent,  in  any  Tingle  inftance,  paid  ferious  atten- 
tion to  the  intcrcfl  of  the  colonies.  This  is  not  the 
limguage  of  party  or  prejudice,  but  the  plain  in- 
ference from  a  feries  of  legifiath  e  ed.cls,  and  hi!- 
torical  events.  "WithreipecSt  tothe  Vvarsof  1759,  and 
J  756,  Britain  has  aslittleto  boaftof  gencrolity,  as  in 
r.ny  fpnTier  part  of  her  conduifl  towards  America.  Dr. 
K^imi'th.  has  {poke  of  thele  vv'ars  in  terms,  which  can- 
not be  JLifliiied  by  a  fober  detail  of  facls.  He  fays, 
that  ^'  the  lad  war  (that  of  1756)  which  v/as  un- 
*'  dertaken  altogether  on  account  of  the  colonies^ 
*^  coil  Great  Britain,  it  has  already  been  obferved, 
*'  more  than  ninety  millions.  The  SpaniQi  war,  of 
* '  i  7  39^  ^'^^'^^  pyincipaUy  undertaken  on  tkeir  account ; 
*^  in  which,  and  in  the  French  war.  that  was  the 
'^  confequence  of  it,  Great  Brit  in  fpcnt  upwards 
*'  of  forty  millions,  a  great  part  of  which  ought 
^'  /V{/^/y  to  be  charged  to  the  colonies^'^\  From  this, 
the  writer  feems  to  infer,  that  the  colonies  ought 
to  pay  a  fnare  of  the  public  debts  of  England.  'I  o 
paumerate  the  various  caufes  of  the  war  in  17  39> 
would  require  much  room  ;  but  every  perfon  who 
confuks  hiftory,  v/ill  fee  that  the  Eritifa  nation  had 
a  moltiplicity  of  pretences  ;  for  flie^  had  no  reajons^ 
to  commence  that  war,  entirely  difbncl  from  any 
attachment  to  her  North  American  provinces ,  Her 
merchants  liad,  for  many  years,  fmuggled  immenfe 
qaantities  of  goods  into  the  Spanifli  colonics.  The 
court  of  Madrid  determined  to  check  this  praclice, 

*  Inquiry,  Book  III.  Chap.  V. 


HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  43 

and  hoflilities  enllied*.  On  ti  is  Spai)ifli  quarrel, 
George  the  lecond  engrafted  another  on  the  coiii.i- 
nent  of  Europe.  Americii  had  no  natural  concerns 
in  fuch  ineaiares.  If  any  of  her  traders  embarked 
in  a  contraband  cominercetotheSpanifa  dominions, 
it  *vas  the  intereft  of  the  reft  of  tlie  people  :o  leave 
then  alone,  to  fight  their  own  battles.  At  this  r^te, 
and  with  leis  impropriety,  the  United  States  nught 
now  declare  war  againil;  France,  Spain,  and  Bri- 
tain, for  interrupting  their  navigation.  In  this  w^r^ 
Fr  nee  attacked  us,  not  as  American  republics,  biit 
ts  BritiCi  colonies.  At  the  fiege  of  J..oMi{bourg,  in 
1745*,  the  provinces  of  New- Hampfl:are  and  MafTa- 
chuietts  loil  between  two  and  three  thoufand  men; 
a  jofs,  that,  as  Mr.  Hutchinion  obferve^,  was  very 
fevcrely  felt,  and  it  may  be  fafely  afcribed  to  the 
turbiiient  ambition  of  Britain.  Americ!a,  not  with- 
{landing  the  affirmation  of  Dr.  Smith,  had  no  rea* 
fon  to  thank  tne  court  of  London,  for  this  war,  and 
confequently  ihe  was  under  no  moral  obligation  to 
pay  any  part  of  its  charges. 

As  to  tiie  war  of  1756,  Dr.  Franklin  had  pro- 
poCed  to  defend  Pennfyivania,  by  embodying  aii 
A  nerican  miHtia.  The  colonies,  if  united,  could 
with  eatc  have  defended  themfelves  agaihfl:  any 
force  which  the  French  ever  brought  into  Canadao 
That  they  did  not  aciualiy  do  fo,  mud:  be  attributed 
to  Englirh  jealoufy.  "  I'he  d<-^fence  of  ner  colonies 
"  was  a  great  expencc  to  Great  Britain.  l"he  mod 
*'  eFedual  mode  of  lelfening  this,  was  to  put  arms 
''  into  the  hands  of  the  inhabitants,  to  teach  them 
^'  their  ufe.  But  England  wirtied  not  that  the  Aliie- 
^'  ricans  (Iiould  become  acquainted  with  their  own 
^'  Itrsngth,  She  was  apprehenfive,  that,  as  fbon  as 
*'  this  period  arrived,  they  would  no  longer  fubmit 


*  Confult  on  this  fubjea  Robertf^n's  Hiftory  of  America,  Book 
VIII. 


44  SKETCHES    OF    THE 

*'  to  that  monopoly  of  their  trade,  which  to  them 
*'  was  higiily  injurious,  but  extremely  advantage- 
*'  ous  to  the  mother  country.  In  comparison  with  the 
''  profits  of  this,  the  expence  of  maintaining  armies 
''  and  fleets  to  defend  them  was  trifling.  She  fought 
^*  to  keep  them  dependent  upon  her  for  protedion, 
^J"  the  bell  plan  which  could  be  devifed  for  retaining 
*'  them  in  peaceable  fuhjedion.  The  leafl  appear- 
^'  ance  of  a  military  fpirit  was  therefore  to  be  guard- 
"  ed  againft  ;  and,  although  a  war  then  raged,  the 
*^  acT:,  organizing  a  militia,  was  difapproved  of  by 
"  the  miniftry.  The  regiments  which  had  been 
"  formed  under  it,  were  difbandcd,  andthe  defence 
^'  of  the  province  entruCled  to  regular  troops*/* 
Tiie  generofity  of  Britain,  in  that  war,  was  one  of 
the  principal  arguments,  employed  by  the  advo- 
cates, for  reducing  the  Americans  to  unconditional 
ftib. niflion.  Thelimits  of  Canada,  for  which  it  com- 
menced are  likely  to  produce,  at  fome  future  time,  a 
fecond  quarrel  on  this  continent.  It  may,  therefore, 
be  wortii  while  to  examine  more  fully  the  real  caufes 
of  the  w^ar  of  1756,  and  the  real  importance  of 
Canada  to  the  refl:  of  the  Britifh  empire. 

The  animofity  of  the  Englifh  nation  towards 
France,  has  plunged  them  into  many  unprovoked 
wars  againft  that  people.  One  of  the  }>rincipal  caufes 
of  that  in  queftion,  was  their  jealoufy  of  the  (hare 
which  the  French  had  in  trade  with  the  Indians. 
Some  of  the  latter  pafTed  by  Albany  to  Montreal, 
two  iiundred  and  fifty  miles  farther,  to  buy  goods, 
which  they  could  have  had  cheaper  at  Albany, 
Guthrie,  in  his  Geographical  Grammar,  ftatcs  this 
circumllance,  and  adds^  with  a  tone  of  regretj  '•  ^o 
*^.  much  did  the  French  exceed  us  in  the  aits  of 
**  winning  the  aife(flions  of  thefe  favages/^  If  the 

*  London  Edition  of  Franklin's  Works,  vo!.  I,  p.  256. 


HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  4^ 

Indians  preferred  the  French  to  the  Englirti  mrrket, 
it  mafl  have  been  becaufe  they  were  better  treated 
at  Montreal  than  at  Albany  ;  fo  that  the  remark, 
though  deiigned  by  the  writer  as  an  oblique  farcaini 
on  French  ctinnin^-,  is  a  tacit  acknowledgement  of 
t'>e  iiiperior  prudence  and  integrity  of  the  French 
nation.  But  tliis  cjiminutive  advantage  on  the  fide 
of  France,  dclerved  not  to  have  been,  as  it  really 
was,  an  objerft  of  envy  to  the  people  of  Enghind. 
Thefe  two  rival  nations  traverfed  an  ocean  above 
a  thoafand  leagues  wide,  that  they  might  open  dram 
fhops,  for  the  debauchery  and  extirpation  of  a  race 
of  naked  barbarians.  This  traffic  was  not  an  objecSt 
of  rational  ambition  to  either  party.  Their  common 
eagernefs  to  purfue  it,  may  readily  be  traced  to 
their  Ilrong  defire  of  purchafmg  furs  from  the  In- 
dians, at  a  very  cheap  rate,  in  order  to  fell  thenv 
at  an  exorbitant  price  in  F.urope.  The  fpiritous 
liquors,  which  formed  a  flaple  commodity  in  this 
commerce,  have  utterly  deflroyed  whole  tribes  of 
the  primitive  Americans :  of  thofe  who  fliil  exill, 
tflie  havoc  has  been  very  great.  The  Six  Nations, 
for  example,  are  faid  to  have  fliruuk  from  a  very 
Tuperior  number,  to  hardly  fifteen  hundred  fighting 
men*.  In  a  moral  fenfe,  tlierefore,  this  trade  was 
extremely  deteftable.  But,  even  as  a  fource  of 
wealth,  its  expediency  might  have  been  very  doubt- 
ful. We  are  told  that  the  Indians  wc.uld  fomietimes 
give  away  their  whole  property  for  a  dram.  But  the 
traders  were  frequently  robbed  and  murdered,  by 
the  favagcs,  whom  they  had  intoxicated  for  the 
purpofe  of  cheating  them.  This  is  the  natm^al  pro- 

*  "  There  are  in  the  Six  Nations,  according  to  an  r.ccuratc  efti- 
<f  mate,  lately  made  by  the  reverend  Mr.  Kirkland,  miifionary 
<*  among  them,  fix  thoufand,  three  hundred,  and  thirty  fouls.  He 
*jy  adds,  that  among  thefe  there  r;,  comparatively ^  but  very  kv/  chil- 
<*  cjrcn,''  Morfe^  vol.  I,  p.  4^. 


^^  SKETCHES   OF    THE 

grefs  and  termination  of  knavery.  After  all,  the 
furs  were  to  be  tfaniported  acrois  tiie  Atlantic,  be- 
fore thejr  could  be  fold  again.  Hence,  if  we  take 
into  coiifideration,  the  numerous  hazards  of  ail 
IiiTids  that  were  to  be  furmonnted,  before  the  fkin 
of  a  beaver  was  finally  brought  to  market,  it  ieems 
very  likely,  that,  upon  the  whole,  theie  wandering 
pedlars  from  Europe,  would  have  been  employed 
more  honourably  and  more  profitably,  both  for  their 
countrymen  and  themfelves,  at  home,  in  the  ordi- 
nary DccupatioDs  of  domeftic  life.  But  the  futility 
of  this  plan  of  commerce  is  placed  beyond  all  doubt 
^y  another  confideration.  Canada  was  the  princi- 
pal caufe  of  the  bloody  w^arof  1756.  This  war  coll 
England  one  hundred  ane.  eleven  niillions,  two 
hundred  and  feventy  one  thoafand,  nine  hundred 
and  ninety-fix  pourds  fterliiig  of  public  money*'- 
The  expences  of  France  were  certainly  as  great. 
Thus  It  is  evident  that  a  frnple  campaign  cofc  either 
nation  more  than  all  the  furs  in  the  world  were 
worth.  Since  Britain  became  poiTcired  of  Caiiada, 
her  Li  ade  w-:tb  that  country  1  as  been  computed  to 
employ  about  (ixty  (hips,  and  a  tboufand  feamen. 
The  exports  from  the  province,  at  an  average  of 
three  years,  in  fkins,  furs,  ginfeng,  fnake-root,  ca- 
pillaire,  and  wheat,  amounted  to  one  hundred  and 
five  thoufand,  five  hundred  pounds  llerling  per  an- 
num. '1  he  imports  from  Britain  were  eftimnted 
about  the  fame  fumt.  It  may  be  fuppofed,  that  the 
number  of  (hips  and  feamen  engaged  in  this  trade, 
is  at  prefent  much  greater,  than  has  been  above 
dated;  for  the  trade  itfelf  li,as,  of  late  years,  been 
conliderably  augmented.  In  1786,  the  cvports  from- 
the  province  of  Canada  amounted  to  three  hundred 

*  Hiftory  of  the  Public  Revenue  of  the  Britifh  Empire,  by  fir 
To^n  Sinclair,  vcl.  II.  p,  0.5, 
.    t  Gu%if;  p.  887, 


-HISTORY    OF    AMERICA*  ^^ 

aiid  forty-three  thoafand,  two  hundred  and  fixty* 
three  pounds  fteriing.  The  imports  of  the  lame 
year,  were  three  hundred  and  twejty-five  thou- 
land,  one  hundred  and  fixtecn  pounds  flerling*, 
1  iius  the  extent  of-  the  commerce  between  Britain 
and  Canada  lesms  to  have  trebled  fmce  the  peace 
of  1763.  VVe  fliall  lay  afide  the  extravagant  ex- 
pence  of  the  conquefl,  as  well  as  that  of  preceed- 
ing  wars  for  Canada,  and  of  its  defence  in  the  re- 
volution of  iz/y*  Let  us  then  eilimate  the  prefent 
advantages  derived  by  Britain  from  this  addition  to 
her  dominions*  The  amount  of  Britiih  goods  ex- 
ported to  Canada,  fmce  the  conquefl,  in  1763,  can- 
not, upon  an  average  up  to  this  time,  (Janus ry, 
1798)  DC  higner  than  two  hundred  tlioufand  pounds 
(lerling  per  annum.  This  calculation  may  be  fafely 
rcited  on  the  particular  ilatements  above  mention- 
ed. It  is  always  reckoned  a  good  trade,  where  a 
clear  profit  is  to.be  gained  of  ten  per  cent.  At  this 
rate,  England  obtains,  by  the  poffefiion  of  Canada, 
tvve  ity  tnoufand  pounds  annually.  It  is  ufual,  in  ef- 
timating  the  beneiits  arifmg  to  a  nation  in  Europe, 
from  one  of  its  American  colonies,  to  fj^eak  of  the 
whole  profits  of  the  commerce,  as  if  they  were  fomc 
pecidiar  fpecies  of  emolument,  that  could  have 
been  acquired  only  by  the  pofTeflion  of  that  indivi- 
dual fpot.  This  fort  of  political  fophidry  has  pro- 
duced fome  very  bloody  and  fruitlefs  wars.  In  the 
cafe  before  us,  for  inilance,  the  fame  capital  could 
have  been  employed  by  Britifli  merchants  in  other 
branches  of  trade;  and  therefore  the  acquifition  of 
the  country  did  not  deferve  a  flruggle.  W^e  are, 
indeed,  informed,  of  the  immenfe  advantages  that 
are  obtained  by  the  procuring  from  Canada  of  raw 
materials  for  manufaiflurest.   This  is  another  pait 

*  Morfe,  vol,  L  p,  109.  i  Sec  Guthrie,  p.  g?7> 


48  SKETCHES    OF    THE 

of  the  mercantile  catechifm,  that  has  impelled  man/» 
kind  to  innumerable  crimes.  The  raw  materials  of 
raanufaclurcs  may  always  be  had,  by  thofe,   v/ho, 
liiie  the  Biitifn  nation,   are  able  to  pay  for  them. 
But  we  ftiall  admit  that  they  could  only  be  found 
in  Canada,  and  that  upon  theie  raw  materials,  there 
is  a  lecond  clear  profit  often  per  cent,  amounting 
altogether,   to  a  benefit  of  forty  thoufand  pounds 
per  annum,  to  Britain.  Still  that  nation  is  a  great 
loier  by  the  retention  of  Canada.  The  expences  of 
her  civil  and  military  ellablifhment  cannot  be  cx- 
aclly  afcertained,  yet  they  will  hardly  come  to  iefs 
than  an  hundred  thoufand  pounds  a  year ;  for  the 
fingle  fortrefs  of  Gibraltar,  even  in  time  of  peace, 
'colls  England  annually  twice  that  fum*^.  In  time  of 
war,  the  expences  both  of  Gibraltar  and  of  Canada, 
become  infinitely  greater.  If  the  military  eftablifli- 
nient  in  Canada  be  two  thoufand  men,  thefe  are  fo 
m-^ny  hands  fubtra^^ed  from  the  domeflic  manufac- 
tures of  Britain,  to  an  extent  of  lofs,  perhaps,  not 
Iefs  than  fifty  thoufand  pounds  a  year.    Thus,  in 
one  way  or  other,  this  province  draws  from  Britain 
an  hundred  and  fifty  thoufand  pounds  flerling  per 
annum,  even  intime  of  peace,  while  its  profits  are 
forty  thouiand.  Ireland,  in  the  reign  of  Elizabeth, 
required  for  its  peace  eiUbiifhment,  more  than  four 
times  the  producl  of  the  whole  revenue  that  tyranny 
could  rend  from  its  vitalst.  Canada  is,  in  this  re. 
fped",  v/hat  Ireland  was  to  Britain  at  the  clofe  of 
the  fixteenth  century.  How  flriking  is  the  folly  of 
nations,  ofitatefmen,  and  of  kings  1  In  the  war  of 
1756  only,  the  Itruggle  for  Canada,  cofl  France  and 
England,  between  them,  two  hundred  millions  fler- 
ling,  and  the  lives  of  five  hundred  thoufand  men; 
and,  after  all,  the  dominion  of  the  province,  if  it 

*  Hiftory  of  the  Public  Revenue,  vol.  II.  p.  172. 

t  Carey's  Amtrican  Edition  of  Guthrie,  vol,  I.  p.  387. 


HISTORY   OF   AMERICA.  49 

could  have  been  had  for  nothing,  was  dbfolutely 
jijt  worth  acceptance  !  In  1784,  the  expcnce  of  col- 
Jecling  the  cultoms  in  Quebec,  Halifax,  St.  John's, 
and  Newfoundland,  exceeded  their  whole  amount 
by  a  clear  lofs  of  fev^n  hundred  and  twenty-five 
pounds  llerling** 

The  preceeding  ftatement  of  fa<n:s,  proves  the 
right  of  this  country  to  political  independence,  and 
furniilies  a  fatisfavfrory  aniwer  to  the  aCcufation  of 
ingratitude^  fo  loudly  thundered  in  our  ears,  by  the 
orators  of  Britain. 

For  the  fake  both  of  Europe  and  America,  it  is  to 
be  delired,  that  the  colonial  fupremacy,  held  by  the 
former,  over  fome  regions  of  the  latter,  may  foon 
expire.  This  ufurped  authority  has  uniformly  pro* 
duced  bad  confequenccs  to  all  parties.  Spain,  for 
inftance,  with  the  mofl  wealthy  and  tempting  por- 
tion of  the  new  world,  hath  been  reduced  to  ruin. 
Her  colonies,  at  the  fame  time,  groan  under  odious 
oppredion.  Peru  and  Chili  excepted,  the  culture  of 
the  vine  and  oliv^  are  forbidden  to  the  Spanifn  co- 
lonifts.  They  mud  buy  the  wine  and  oil  for  which 
they  have  occafion  from  old  Spain.  The  difficulty 
of  transporting  fuch  bulky  articles  acrofs  the  ifl:h- 
mus  of  Panama,  is  the  only  reafon  for  exempting 
Peru  and  Chili  from  this  cdi^l  of  defolation.  No 
vefTel  belonging  to  the  Spanifli  colonies  was  ever 
permitted  to  carry  the  commodities  of  America  to 
Europe.  No  vclTel  of  any  foreign  nation  is  openly 
received  into  the  harbours  of  the  Spaniili  dominions 
on  the  continent  of  America,  The  pains  of  death^ 
and  the  confifcaticn  of  moveables,  arc  denounced 
againfl;  every  inhabitant  who  trades  with  them.  Yet> 
in  fpitc  of  all  thefe  regulations,  the  king  of  Spain 
IS  defrauded  of  half  his  revenues.  An  author,  quot« 

*  See  Political  ^io^xz{%  of  Britain,  Third  Edition,  Chap,  vii^ 

G 


p  ,  ^k:f.tches  of  the 

eel  byDr-tlobertfon,  gives  a  flriking  pi^nre  of  thji 
flate  of  govei'Dment  in  tiie  Spainfh  coJoiiics.  W^ 
^^  h^ve/*  £.\y%  he,  *'  viceroys,  prcfideiits,  ^ovtr- 
^'  nors,  oydors,  corrigidors,  alcaioes,  and  thoui  .nds 
''  of  aiguazils  abound  every  where;  but,  doiv;:];- 
^V^aiidinj?-  all  thtfe,  public  abiiies  continue  to  n/ul- 
^'  tiply*."  With  fuch  a  icene  before  then],  ti.e  citi* 
zens  of  the  United  States  cannot  be  luhiciently  tliai  k- 
ful,  that  they  have  efc aped  from  the  talors  oi  the  ,v;<?* 
i'ker  ccmntry.  Had  the  king  of  Britain  iucceeded  in 
his  plan  o£  conqueil:,  the  liTijCilih  of  Sp^in  vvo^ld 
have  fqund  no  caufe  to  envy  the  condition  cf  Bii- 
tiPa  coln^nies. 

it  ii  pleail'-ig  to  obferve  Iiow  the  rapacity  of 
Ciefpo^^iiln  overihoots  its  aim.  The.Spaniards,  Loth  in 
E  irope  and  America,  liave  their  invention  continual- 
ly on  the  Hretch  to  elude  the  royal  edicfls.  This  fpirit 
defcends  ironi  the  higheft  dcp?rtments  in  govern* 
ment  tothcloweil.  1  he  very  officers  ;ippoirted  to 
check  contrabandtrade,  are  often  employed  as  inRru- 
merits  in  carrying  it  on  ;  and  the  be  irds  inflituted  to' 
reilrain  and  pimifli  it,  are  the  channels  through  vv  iiich 
at  flows.  In  Mexico  and  Pern,  the  annual  eliab- 
liO^ment  for  defraying  the  charge  of  adminiilration, 
exceeds  one-halfof  the  revenue  collecPfed.The  annu- 
al amount,  in  ilcrling  money,  exacted  by  Spain  from 
America  and  the  Phillipinc  ifiands,  is  computed  by 
Dr.  Robertfon  at  only  two  millions  and  fcven  hun- 
dred thoufand  pounds  ilerling,  of  which  one-haif  is 
expended  in  fupport  of  the  adminiflration.  If  tiiefe 
dominions  contain  fifteen  millions  of  people,  the 
king  of  Spain  gains  by  them  about  one  fliiliing  and 
eight  pcnc^  per  head.  A  poor  reward  for  the  fa- 
vcry  of  a  human  being!  But  for  their  opprefTed 
lltuatioD,  the  Spanifli  colonies  might,  perhaps,  have 

*  Piiflcr;-  of  America,  Bock  VIII. 


IflSTORY   OP    AMERICA.  51 

been  thrice  as  populous,  and  ccitainiy  much  more 
improved  than  they  are  at  preieiit,  opain  has  had  a 
Hill  worfe  bargain  of  her  colonies  than  Britnin, 
Even  in  point  of  economy,  it  would  have  been 
for  her  advantage,  to  declare  them  independent  an 
hundred  years  ago.  1  he  bloody  war  of  1739, 
excluiive  of  many  other  quarrels,  rauft  have  cofl 
her  altpgether,  at  lealt  twenty-live  or  thirty  mil- 
lions ilerling.  The  very  intered  of  this  Turn  u^ould 
have  been  more  than  the  v/hole  net  revenue  that 
ilie  draws  from,  her  colonies.  By  callirg  open 
their  trade,  (he  would  fliil  e:iToy  as  great  a  hiare  of 
it,  as  -e  coald  manage.  England,  by  the  fepa ra* 
tiun  of  her  colonies,  ad  the  breaking  up  of  iier  mo- 
nopoly tr?ide,  has  not  loif  a  Gngle  farthing  ;4ince 
her  com inerce  with  the  Jnited  States  is  much  more 
cxccifive  taan  that  with  her  North  American  colo- 
nics ever  was  before  the  revolution.  Ihis  aiighC 
be  a  Icflbn  to  the  crown  of  ^pain. 

The  following  is  a  remark  made  in  an  Englifli 
magazine  for  tne  year  179 1. — "*  Such  is  the  fanati* 
^'  ciim  and  ignorance  of  the  Spaniards,  that  it  is 
'^'  .Aali  probable  their  fettlements  will  be  iri 
"  the  hands  of  the  United  States ^  before  their 
*' eyes  are  opened  to  the  light  of  knowledge  an4 
*'  liberty."  'i  he  United  States  will  certainly  un- 
deriland  their  own  intereft  better  than  to  attempt 
fucii  an  acquifition,  or  even  to  accept  of  it,  if  prof- 
fered for  nothing.  The  fupremacy  of  Spain  will 
not^  liowever,  be  loaig  lived.  '^  Her  violent  and  ar- 
*'  bitrary  government  has,  upon  many  occaiions, 
*'  bee -J  obliged  to  recall  or  foftcn  the  orders  which 
^'  had  been  given  for  the  government  of  her  colC' 
"  nics,  for  fear  of  a  general  infurrediion^." 

*  Inquiry  into  the  Wealth  of  Nations,  Book  IV.  Ch?p.  VIL 
Tart  n.  No  hint  of  this  impoiva.aV  circyzpib.r.ce  occurs  in  Di,  Ro 
bextfon's  Hillory  ©i  America, 


fi  SKETCHES    OF    THS 

It  may  have  been  fo  ;  but  that  is,  at  prefcnt^  no 
concern  of  ours.   In  fuinmer  laft,  Mr.  Robert  Har- 
per held  out  to  Congrcfs,  the  conqueft  of  the  two 
Mexicos,    as   a  temptation  for   America  to  league 
with  England    ap^ainft  France.     The  above  detail 
fhews  how  infignilicant  theie  pofTellious  are  even  to 
Spain   herfelf;  and  thus,    on  the  {^idc  of  avarice, 
the  fcheme  is  blafled,  even  if  the  regions  deltined 
to  federal  plunder  could  be  feized  without  rchliance, 
Mr.  Harper,  at  the  fame  time,  railed  at  the  French 
for   conquering  the  dominions   of  monarchs,  who 
h^d   endeavoured  to   conquer  them.     Spain  hatli 
not  warred  againft  the  United  States,  fo  that  his 
own  plan  was  evidently  by  far  more  atrocious  than 
any  which  he  had  afcribed  to  the  republic.     A  pro- 
fal  for  robbery  more  unprovoked,  more  fliameiefs, 
more  criminal,  was  never  fuggefted  in  the  cabin  of 
Blackbeard,  or  the  camp  of  Brandt.     Had  his  end 
been  to  liberate  an  injured  people,  the  humanity  of 
the  vifion  migi?t  have  atoned  for  its  madnefs.     The 
view    in   which  the  member  held  out  his  fcheme 
was  not  the  difpenfation  of  freedom  to  Haves,  but 
the  acquifition  of  booty  to  conquerors.     The  luoft 
ferious  conuderation  is,  that  the  incendiary  of  Nine- 
tv  Six,  fpoke,  to  be  fure,  onl)^  as  the  avaunt  courier 
of  his  party,  who  zO:  with  the  regularity  of  a  Ro^ 
jnan  legion''^', 

*  On  Decemher  2 3d,  1 7^7,  Mr.  Harper,  in  a  private  convcrfation 
ix\  the  fiatehoufe,  faid,  that  he  wiflied  to  fee  ihe  BoM-hons  n-jhrcd  to 
the  throne  of  Francpi  and  the  nobility  to  their  ancient  prhileges.  Some 
of  the  company  appeared  to  feel  furprife;  upon  which,  Mr.  Harper 
fubjoined,  that  he  was  willing  to  grant  a  legiflaturc  of  fome  fort. 
He  faid,  that  the  beft  friends  to  Francej  would  wifn  for  a  rejioration 
of  royalty.  It  was  replied,  that,  in  this  cafe,  it  would  likewife  be  bet- 
ter for  the  United  Stales  to  reftore  the  Brjtifh  monarchy.  He  re- 
joined, that  the  American  government  would  end  in  royalty,  and  it 
would  fuit  the  country  beR,  but  the  minds  of  the  people  were  «of 

J//   ripe  fur  it. 

This  converfation  is  related  on  the  authority  of  members  of  coij*^ 
|ref§j  who  were  prcfcnr. 


KISTORY    OP    AMHRICA.  531 


CHAPTER    III, 


Federal  plan  for  the  conqiiejl  of  Mexico. ^ — Bntlfh 
captures  at    Port-au-Prince, — Caje  of  the  pilot 

Butler, Frefidential   Canting, ^The   caujes  of 

Mr,  JefferJon*s  refignation, — Letter  to  Maz- 
zei, — Defence  of  it, — Review  of  the  political  cha- 
rader  of  Virginia, — 'Extrarjagwit  jchevies  of  the 
truly  federal  party . — Import cmt  anecdote, — Mr . 
Cerry, — Servility  of  the  fir fi  congrejs, 

A  HE  way  to  empire  cannot  be  too 
*'  fhort,"  faid  Tuliia,  when  (lie  drove  her  chariot 
over  her  father^s  dead  body.  "  The  way  to  Spanilli 
*'  gold  cannot  be  too  tliort/'  exclaims  the  federal 
orator  to  congreis.  The  wifdom  of  Mr.  Harper'i 
fcheme  is  equal  to  its  honefty.  For  the  trifling  ex- 
pence  of  ten  millions  of  dollars,  the  United  States 
might  aflemble  twenty  thoufand  men  at  the  mouth 
of  the  Ohio.  They  have  then  only  to  defcend  with 
the  ftream,  till  they  gain  fome  proper  place  for  dii- 
embarking.  They  next  daih  throiigh  a  foreft  three 
hundred  leagues  wide,  which  leads  them  to  the  ca- 
pital of  New  Mexico.  Some  flight  objedlions  occur. 
Three-fourths  of  the  army  will  die  of  hunger  ca 
the  march,  from  the  difficulty  of  taking  fufRcient 
provifions  along  with  them.  Three-fourths  01  the 
remainder  will  perifh  of  fatigue  and  the  iiux  ;  and 
the  Indians  may,  probably,  knock  the  reft  on  the 
head.  But  theie  are  the  petty  cavils  of  cowardice. 
Cortez  did  not  calculate,  and  why  fhould  we  ? 

If  this  plan  had  only  been  fpouted  in  a  fit  of  paA 
fion,  it  had  not  been  w©ithy  of  attentive  rcmait. 


^4  SKETeHES   OF   THS 

Bat  iMr.  Harper,  in  a  printed  letter  to  bis  conflittv 
ents,  dated  May  25th.  1797,  dwells  upoD  the  idea; 
Recommending  an  alliance  with  England,  he  fays, 
that  the  colonies  of  Holland  and  iSpain  "  muit  link 
*^  under  the  arms  of  the  two  countries:"  viz.  of 
Britain  and  the  United  States.  A  long  e:  traft,  con* 
tai  .ing  this  afTertion,  has  been  circulated  in  one,  at 
leaiir,  if  not  others,  of  the  feaeral  iiewipspers.  If 
the  friends  of  order,  in  congrefs,  iiad  never  propa« 
>gated  any  icheme  equally  profiigate  and  audacious 
with  this,  cliarity  would  be  led  to  fuppofe,  that  Mr. 
Harper  a£led  only  by  the  mipuUeof  his  own  felly; 
But  their  ilruggle  for  rejedling  the  Indhm,  Algerine, 
and  Spanidi  treaties,  unlefs  linked  with  that  of  Jsy, 
was  a  bra?ich  from  the  fame  root.  The  war  m  ith 
France,  into  which  they  make  Uich  vigorous  efforts 
for  driving  America,  is  altogether  as  fi-antic  as  Mr. 
Harper's  plan;  and  hence  it  is  not  injuring  th'^m 
to  believe  that  they  approved  of  bis  propofai  for 
the  Mode  an  expedition. 

On  the  2d  of  Jnne,  1797,  a  number  of  American 
captains  at  Port-au-Frince,  in  St.  Domingo,  pi  ticn- 
ted  a  petition  to  governor  Simcoe.  They  reprcfen' 
ted  that  eleven  American  vcfTels,  with  cargoes, 
amounting  to  three  hundred  thoufand  dollars,  bad 
teen  captured  by  Brithh  privateers,  and  were  then 
lying  at  th it  port,  in  expectation  of  a  trial.  Ty.cy 
liad  applied  foi  it,  and  had  been  told  in  anfwer,  that 
they  were  to  be  fent  for  adjudication  to  Moie  St. 
Nicholas.  They  ttate,  that  fonie  of  the  vefTels  can- 
not proceed  to  that  place  without  confiderable  re» 
pairs:  others,  had  been  abandoned  by  their  crews. 
Some,  with  their  cargoes,  were  likcwife  in  a  fiatc 
of  fijffering.  Man}?- of  the  petitioners,  beiiig  entire 
ftrangers,  werercduced  to  inconvenience  from,  want 
or  money.  Some  crews  and  fnper cargoes,  fron'j 
fickneis,  clifapptjlatments,  and  mortifications,  were 


HISTORY   O^   AMERICA.  sS 

■*f  duccd  to  the  moii  diftrciling  circumRances*  Tht-y 
a.-irm,  that  taey  had  e^irkd  on  a  Ifgai  trade,  zgi'ta- 
ajly  CO  the  Bricifii  treaty.  They  lupphci:tc  that  a 
court  of  admii  ally  may  be  appointed  at  Port-au- 
Prince  tor  trying  their  cauks,  and  Gonclucle  vvitli 
{bme  compiiaients  to  the  perfonal  character  cf  ^.nx- 
coe  hunielf. 

His  aolWer  was  haughty  and  reproachful.  He 
proniilcd  to  recommend  to  the  jadge  of  th.e  ad- 
miralty, Mr.  Combauld,  to  decide  their  cafes  at  an 
early  period ;  hut  he  gave  them  no  reafon  to  tiiirk 
that  mere  would  be  a  court  ercdied  for  that  end  at 
f'ort-au-Pnnce.  He  hoped  that  they  would  be  ac- 
qiittecl  of  that  contraband  tratuc  which  many  ci- 
tizens of  the  United  States  carried  on  with  the 
FiCnch  i!.overnnieDt  in  St.  Do.mingo.  He  clofed 
withtelhng  tnem  that  this  illicit  trade  might,  at  no 
renu  te  diilancc,  ^'  ferioufiy  diilurb  the  national  rC'* 
"  poi'e,  and  arte <!!:  the /ffcurity  of  the  American  con- 
^'  cin'^nt.^'  This  menace  appears  fomewhnt  inex- 
plicible.  He  cannot  furely  mean  that  England 
is  tc  arFefl:  our  fecurity  by  land,  as  a  confcquence 
of  her  having  robbed  our  fiiips  at  fea.  The  lat- 
ter was,  of  itfelf,  enough  in  all  confcience.  Thus 
American  vefiels  are  liable  to  be  taken  into  an  Eng- 
lifli  port,  and  to  be  kept  there  tiji  their  crews  defert, 
their  cargoes  fpoil,  and  themfelves  rot  for  want  of 
an  Eugliih  trial.  When  no  longer  capable  of  fail- 
ing, they  are  ordered  to  make  a  voyage  in  qnefl:  of 
adjudication.  Mr.  Harper  and  his  friends  think 
that  they  have  gained  every  thing,  becaufe  they 
have  at  lafl  exafperated  the  French  into  the  fame 
fyftem  of  privateering,  which  the  BritiHi  have  car- 
ried on  for  four  ye%s  and  an  half,  and  in  which 
they  Pi  ill  ardently  perfift.  , 

It   would    require  confiderable  room  to  enume- 
rate all  the  Britifh  confifcations  of  Aaicrican  pr©« 


5fi  SKETCHESOFTHf. 

perty  in  the  Weft-Indies,  within  the  laft  fix  months. 
Captain  Dunlevy  remained  in  Hifpaniola,  from  the 
9th  of  June,  to  the  20th  of  Oiftobcr,  1797.  The 
following  is  a  fummary  of  his  account,  as  to  Mr* 
Conibauld's  operations.  Eighteen  vcfTels,  v/ith 
their  cargoes,  were  condemned.  Two  of  the  cap- 
tains of  thcfc  friips  were  detained  three  months  be- 
fore they  could  get  their  papers,  which  could  have 
been  had  with  eafe  in  three  days,  or  a  much  left 
time.  Another  of  thefe  captains  *  died  of  grief. 
A  nineteenth  velFel,  with  her  cargo,  was  fold  to 
pay  the  cofts  of  court.  A  twentieth  was  cleared, 
bat  the  cargo  condemned.  Seven  were  difcharged 
on  paying  cofts.  This  is  manifeft  injiiflice  ;  for, 
if  die  Engliih  were  not  warranted  in  leizing  them, 
it  was  highly  oppreilive  to  make  tliem  pay  any  ex- 
pence  whatever.  They  fliould  rather  have  them 
reimburfed  for  their  detention.  But  what  could 
be  expecled,  v/hen  the  fame  nation  were  both  par- 
ties and  judges  ?  Some  others  in  the  above  lift  were 
under  trial,  when  captain  Dunlevy  came  away* 
The  whole  amount  to  thirty  one,  and  feveral  vef» 
fels  were  like  wife  detained,  of  which  the  trials  had 
not  come  on.  Many  fuch  details  of  the  prefent 
year  might  be  given,  as  to  Englifii  piracy.  Yet 
the  Adamites  always  fpeak  as  if  piracy  were  confix 
ned  to  the  French  only. 

The  relative  fplrit  of  the  American  miniftry  to* 
wards  the  two  nations  is  fully  exhibited  in  the  fol- 
lowing narrative.  Citizen  Adet  had  complained 
to  Mr.  Pickering  refpefting  the  French  corvette 
L'Eiperance.  §hc  was  taken  by  the  Britifii  fhip 
Argonaut,  who  v/cnt  with  her  prize  into  Lynnha- 
ven  bay,  in  Virginia.  According  to  Adet,  the  cor- 
vette was  there  fitted  out  by  admiral  Murray,  as 
a  Britifii  cruifer,  and  this  Adet  urged  as  a  violation 
of  the  treaty  of  Paris.     Pickering;  in  his  letter  to 


HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  f^ 

Charles  Pinckney,  undertakes  to  anfwcr  this  cbm* 
plaint.     He  firft  remarks,  that  the  captain  of  the 
corvette,  and  the  French  conful  at  Norfolk,   had 
both  been  applied  to,  and  fliewed  no  difpofitlon  to 
complain  of  any  improper  condud  on  the  part  ojf 
the  captors.     Thus  far  all  is  well ;  but  Mr.  PicI^,- 
ering  proceeds  thus  :  '^  the  governor  (of  Virginia) 
"  having  heard  that  a  refpecftable  pilot  by  the  name 
^' o£  Butler^   was  acquainted  with  the  circumRan- 
"  ces  of  this  affair,  he  dirededhis  depoCtion  to  be 
"  taken;  it  was  taken,  and  impoited,  that  admiral 
''  Murray  himfeif,  purchafcd  the  prize  and  manned 
''  and  fitted    her   in  Lynnhaven  bay  for  a  cruize; 
"  but   Builcr's  dcpofi ti on  was  afterwards  taken  on 
''  the  part   of  tlie  BritiQi,  i^  which  he  C072tr£iMiCied 
*'  all  the  material  fads  recited  in  tJie  forrner  dspQj% 
''  tion^  which  he  accounted  for  by  faying,  that  he 
''  could  neither  write  nor  read,  and  that  there  had 
*'  been  inferted  in  his  firft  dcpofition  what  he  had 
^'  never   faid^.'^     Mr.  Pickering    then  mentions 
to  Pinckney  his   anxiety  for    further  information* 
This  had  been  ftipplied  by  the  Eritifh  ininifler,  Mr- 
Hammond,  in  a  letter  from  admiral  Murray,  who 
declared   that  he  fent  the  corvette  back  to  fea,  as 
foon  as  wind  and  weather  would  permit. 

From  the  face  of  thi^  liory,  it  feems  that  onr  fe- 
cretary  of  flate  aiflrd  right*  The  French  conful 
and  captain,  at  Icait  as  he  pretends,  would  have  no- 
thing to  do  with  complaining.  Butler,  the  only 
evidence  againfl  Murray,  retraced  upon  oath  ;  and 
(ince  the  admiral  himtfelf  denied  his  having  fitted 
out  the  L'Efperance,  as  a  privateer,  Mr.  Pickering 
had  no  choice  but  to  give  him   credit. 

Now  comes  the  oppofite  fide  of  the  queflion.  On 
the  24th  of  March,  1795,  Butler  emitted  \i\zfirfi 

*  MefTag^  from  the  Prefident,  of  January  19th  1797^  p*  4^' 


J8  SKfl^TCHES    OF    THE 

dcpofiticn,  purpoitirig,  as  above,  that  tiie  corvette 
was  fitted  out  by  adnjiral  Murray;^  for  a  privateer* 
Belt  it  is  :.0T  true,  as  IVlr.  Pickering  aflirms,  that 
Jprjtler  ever  conti  adisftcd  this  teiliinony  in  a  ilcond 
t^oMon,  lijat  of  the  24th  of  March,  1795'; 
yT  irnniediat^-ly  f^nt  fo]  ward  to  Mr.  Pickering, 
and  bv  theiattcr  comrnuriicated  to  Mr.  Hanimond, 
"WlVo  icnt  a  copy  of  it  to  captain  Cochrane  of  the 
Thetis,  vvhich  vr as  then  under  repair  at  Ncrfolk, 
When  Cochrane  was  ready  to  fet  fail,  he  felected 
Butler,  as  his  pilot  ;  and  after  the  ihip  had  got 
hita  Hampron  roads,  he  began  to  charge  the  man 
with  having  acred  as  a  fpy  on  board  of  EnoiiOi 
Xhips.  Ke  read,  in  evidence,  a  copy  of  Butler'3 
dcpofition  of  the  24th  of  March,  and  threatened  to 
carry  h'ni  off,  and  treat  him  as  a  fpy.  L'nder  thefc 
circiimilances,  Cochrane prefented  a  paper,  which 
Le  called  of  the,  nature  of  a  counter  declaration, 
Sin  J  required  Bntlcr  to  fubfcribe  it.  The  pilot 
was  glad  to  fign  any  thing,  leather  than  run  the  im- 
inediate  hazard  of  being  carried  away  from  his  bu- 
fmefs,  his  family,  and  his  country;  befides  the 
profpecl  of  being  ilarved,  flogged,  and  probably 
murdered  b}'-  a  gang  of  barbarians.  He  was  not; 
indulged  wdth  a  copy  of  the  paper,  nor  made  ac- 
quainted with  its  contents.  Captain  Cochrane  did 
hot  offer  to  adminifter  an  oath. 

VX'^hen  Butler  got  on  Oiore,  he  ma.de  a  dcpofition 
before  three  magifrrates  cf  the  county  of  Norfolk, 
and  in  preleace  of  a  nunil>er  of  refped:abie  citi- 
zens. He  therein  related  the  clrcumftances  of  fur- 
prife,  compulfion,  and  alarm,  under  which  Coch- 
rane compeilcd  him  to  fign  a  paper  contradidory 
to  his  depoHtioMof  the  24th  of  March.  This  fccond 
depofition  was  taken  on  the^4th  of  May,  1795,  ^"^ 
forwarded  to  Mr.  Pickering.  Yet  our  fccretary, 
takes  not  the  leafl  notice  of  it,  and  modeflly  gives 


HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  ...  .j<^ 

tlie  title  of  a  depofition  to,  tiie  paper  obtained 
by  captain  Cochrane.  Theie  particulars  are 
abridged  from  a  copious  detail  fuinifhcd  by  co- 
lonel Jofrah  Parker,  who  has  been  ^isc  timel  elec- 
ted as  a  reprefentative  to  congrels,  and  who,  for 
clafTical  propriety  of  expreiTion,  is  excell(Td  by  no 
fpeaker  in  that  houfe.  This  gentlemen  has  docu- 
ments for  proving  what  is  above  related.  After  this 
cxplanatioii,  it  will  be  difficult  to  dcfeiu'  the  vera- 
city of  colonel  Pickering,  Mr.  Wafliington,  along 
wita  a  copy  of  this  letter  to  Pinckney,  fcnt  to  con- 
grefs,  as  ufual,  an  introdue^ory  nieiTage.  It  con- 
cludes in  thefe  words  :  ''  A  government  whicli 
"  required  only  a  knowledge  of  the  truth  tojiiRify 
^'  its  meafures,  could  not  but  be  anxious  to  ha\ei 
*^  this  fully  and  frankly  difplayed."  Canting  is 
always  fufpicious.  Mr,  Wafliington,  in  the  una- 
voidable exercife  of  his  mind,  7mijl  have  knov/n 
that  this  inflammatory  letter  contained  other  bun- 
giiTig  atteiupts  at  impofture,  as  well  as  that  about 
the  Norfolk  pilot.  Such  cobwebs  may  lafl  for  a 
day,  but  tiie  brufli  of  hiftory  quickly  fwceps  them 
down,  and  configns  them  to  their  native  dungl  ill. 

This  is  the  cabinet  that  makes  fo  much  noife 
about  its  morality.  From  contemplating  the  prefent 
iecretary  of  ilate,  v/e  naturally  turn  to  one  of  his 
predecefTors.  For  a  long  time  before  Thomas  Jef- 
ferfon  refigned  his  place,  the  federal  prints  were 
diligent  in  reproaching  him,  as  unworthy  to  be  en- 
truRed  with  fo  high  an  oillce.  Since  he  gave  it  wvi^ 
they  have  cenfured  him  for  a  refignation,  of  which 
they  were  extremely  glad.  The  Minerva  con- 
tains a  letter,  copiei  into  a  Jerfcy  Gazette,  of 
OtHiober  nth,  1797,  which  has  thefe  w^ords :  "  The 
*'  good  and  the  wife  faw  him  fuddenly  retreat  fioiti 
''  a  poft  of  honour,  and  eifential  fervice,  ct  a  mo- 
*'  ment,  when  his  country  was  in  a  fitualion  fo  cr^ 


r^  SKETCHES    OF    THE 

^'  tital  as  to  require  all  the  erTorts  of  wifdom,  and 

^^  the  poflure  of  firmncfs  and  dignity." 

If  Mr.  JefFerfon  is  fo  dangerous  a  man  as  the  fix 
per  cent,  writers  have  conflantiy  repreiented  him 
to  be,  it  was  unfuitablc  to  regret  his  retreat.  Anie- 
rica  was  well  rid  of  him.  But  thefe  fcribbiers  had 
terms  to  keep  with  the  great  body  of  citizens,  upon 
whom  his  abilities  and  his  fervices  had  made  a  laftin^ 
imprefhon.  His  retirement  was  heard  of  with  uni- 
verfai  concern,  unlefs  among  the  immediate  leaders 
and  agents  of  the  ftock-holding  and  Britifli  fatftion; 
and  with  them  it  \vas  necejflary  to  conceal  their 
triumph.  Enlightened  men  looked  around  them, 
and  law  no  other  character  capable  to  fill  the  gap. 
Motives  of  prudence  compel  Mr.  Jefferfon's  ad- 
verfaries,  Phocion  excepted,  to  fpeak  with  defer- 
ence of  his  talents. 

The  caufc  of  refignation  ma}^  be  told  in  a  few 
words.  The  late  preHdent  has  a  referved  fullen 
temper,  v/hich  of  itfelf  muft  be  extremely  tirefome. 
He  had  likewife  a  flrotig  bias  to  the  Hamiltonian 
and  Antigallican  fyflem,  fo  that  Mr.  Jefferfon  found 
himfelf  in  very  frequent  minorities.  When  the 
three  fecretaries,  and  Mr.  Rsandolph,  attorney  ge- 
neral,were  convened  with  the  prefident,  report  fays, 
that  Randolpli  ufed  to  argue  on  che  fide  ot  JefFer- 
fon, and  when  the  vote  came,  to  agree  with  Knox 
and  Hamilton.  To  a  man  of  independent  fortune, 
and  of  a  literary  turn,  this  fituation  could  have 
no  charms  ;  and  as  few  arofefrom  the  emoluments 
of  office.  Thele  reafons  form  a  good  apology  for 
his  retiring  ;  as  the  events  that  fucceeded  his  re- 
treat, eompofe  the  beft  encomium  on  his  abilities. 
Within  three  fliort  months  thereafter,  the  prefident 
flumbled  into  that  pit  of  deftrucflion,  the  phn  for  a 
Britifli  treaty.  The  next  four  months  produced 
\ym%  Mr.  Hamilton  chofe  to  call  a  rebellion,  AH  the 


HISTORY    QF    AMERICA.  ex 

rell  of  our  hiflory  has  been  as  calamitous  as  it  well 
could  be,  when  fliort  of  actual  war.  At  lafl,'  matters 
grew  £o  very  bad,  tliat  general  Wafliington  himielf 
diirfl:  no  longer  hold  the  helm.  If  relignation,  at  a 
<;ritical  moment,  be  culpable,  the  charge  falls  ml 
thoufand  times  more  heavily  on  the  prefident  tha^i 
oa  his  fecretary. 

And  here,  iniiead  of  what  has  been  done,  let  fancy 
fuppofe  what  might  have  been  done,  fmce  the  fatal 
1 6th  of  x\pril,  1794,  if  Mr*  Jcfferibn,  v/ith  a  found 
majority  of  congrefs  to  fupport  hinri,  had  condutfled 
the  adminiflration  of  America,  InRead  of  aukward 
inffcru<flions,  which  the  executive  bliifted  to  pro^ 
dace,  the  mcfTage  would  have  been  open,  concife, 
and  decifive ;  and  the  reprefentatives  would  have 
been  confalted  about  it.  "  Send  back,''  it  would 
fay,  *'  our  imprdlfcd  fellow  citizens,  with  double 
''  wages  for  the  time  of  their  detention.  Send  back 
"  our  veiTels,  taken  in  contempt  of  juftice.  The 
*'  fubjecH:  is  complicated,  and  v/ill  require  time,^ 
"  But  as  a  pledge  of  your  flncerity,  depofit  in  cur 
"  treafury  before  hand,  a  million  of  dollars,  for 
"  the  relief  of  the  families  of  imprefled  feamnen*, 
"  and  of  thofe  merchants  v/ho  have  gone  to  jail 
''  in  confequeace  of  your  piracies.  Unlefs  you 
'^  do  fo,  we  forbid  the  exportation  of  provi- 
"  fions  to  the  Britilh  Weft-Indies,  and  {Iiall  anni- 
**  hilate  your  armies  without  firing  a  piftol.  We 
^^  want  no  treaty  of  commerce  v^ith  you,  till  the 
'^  end  of  the  war  iliall  decide  your  future  ntnatioii,^" 

By  this  firm  but  reafonable  tone,  England  mi-gi.it 
have  learned  to  refpedlthe  United  States.  France, 

*  Notice,  on  this  head,  the  whining  of  Mr.  Pickering.  When 
affigning  the  motives  for  Jay's^nii/Tion,  he  fays, — <'  Did  not  theim- 
«'  preffment  of  our  feamen,  like  the  fpoliations  on  our  commerce,  ex. 
*'  cite  an  univ>erfal  complaint  ?"  Letter  to  Pinckney,  p.  i  ^.  TUc 
public  have  already  fecn  the  two  cqricus  cards  refpctfiingimpicd- 
ineat,  between  jay  and  Grenvills* 


^2  SKETCHES    OF    THE 

courting  their  amity,  would  have  reilraincd  he? 
cruifers,  as  (lie  ad:ua]iy  did,  till  July,  1796,  when 
fhe  heard  of  the  final  ratification  of  the  Bntifh  trea- 
ty, which  is  the  confcifed  caufe  of  her  prcfent  de- 
preciations. 

As  for  the  weilcrn  infurretfrion,  Mr.  Jefferfon  has 
Tjever  cxprefied  mipatience  for  the  burning  of  Pittf* 
l)urgh  ;  of  conrfe,  he  would  have  quelled  the  riots 
in  their  infancy,  ai  an  expence  of  {ive  hundred  dol- 
lars. Inflead  of  refufing  to  pay  the  militia  who 
burnt  Nickaj^ck,  inftead  of  inveighing  againfl  de- 
mocratic focieties,  and  boafting  of  Creek  friendfliip, 
he  v/ould  have  author Ifed  generals  Clarke  and  Pick- 
ens to  enter  the  country  of  thcfe  cut  throats,  at  the 
headof  five  thoufand  men,  toteachthem  fomerefpctt 
for  treaties,  and  fome  dread  for  oil^ended  juftice. 

The  writer  in  the  Minerva  proceeds  to  declaim 
upon  a  letter  faid  to  be  written  from  Mr.  Jefferron 
to  one  Mazzei  at  Florence.  Much  clutter  has 
been  made  about  this  piece,  which,  unfortunately 
for  the  enemies  of  Mr.  Jefferfon,  contains  only 
{tri£i  truth,  The  following  is  themofi:  interefting 
part  of  it. 

'^  Oar  political  lituation  is  prodigioufly  changed 
*'  fince  you  left  ns.  Inflead  of  that  noble  love  of 
*'  liberty,  and  that  republican  governroent,  vi^hich 
carried  us 'triumphantly  through  the  dangers  of 
the  war,  an  Anglo-monarchico-arillocratic  par- 
ty has  arifen. — ^Their  avowed  objeft  is  toimpofc 
on  us  the  fubilance,  as  they  have  already  given 
us  the  form,  of  the  Britifh  government.  Never- 
**  thelefs,the  principal  body  of  our  citizens  remains 
^^  faithful  to  republican  principles.  x\ll  our  pro- 
^'  prietors  of  lands  are  friendly  to  thofe  principles, 
*'  as  alfo  the  mafs  of  men  of  talents.  We  have 
"  againil  us  (republicans)  the  executive  power, 
*' the  judiciary  power,  (tv/o  of  the  three  branches 


•HISTORY    OF    A  ?/!  E  ni  C  A.  6^ 

*'  of  onr  government,)  all  the  officers  of  govern* 
*'  raenr,  all  vvho  are  icckingoiffces,  all  timid  meii^ 
''  wii6  prefer  the  calmof  defpotiim  to  the  tcmpcflu- 
^^  oiis  lea  of  liberty,  the  Britfh  merchants  and  the 
"Americans  whd  trade  onBritifh  capitr^is,  the 
'' fpecLilaLors.  j^erfons  interefted  in  the  haiik-/and 
*'  l-fic  public  f'jnds ;  eftablifhments  invented  Vv'ith 
'^''  views  of  corruption/ancl  to  affimilatc  us  to  the 
'^  Brit lui  model  \\\  its  corrupt  parts/' 

This  letter  v/as  originally  tranflated  from  a 
.French  newspaper  by  Webfter,  ^vho  fpoke  of  it  as 
.^f  it  had  been  trenfon,  Ihat  an  Eng^lifh  faction  haS 
.  fen,  and  obtained  an  andiie  influence  in  govern* 
ment,  carl  hardly  be  denied,  when,  befides  a  mil- 
lion of  other  traits,  we  fee  one  prefidcnt  after  ano-» 
ther  haranguing  againO:  French  piracy,  and  paffm^ 
over  in  guarded  iilcncc,  the  fea-robberies  of  Britain. 
The  conitiiution,  of  whicn  the  letter  (peaks,  is, 
upon  the  whole,  a  good  inftrument,  but  liable  to 
numerous  and  important  ohje<fi:ions.  One  of  thefe 
is  the  immenfe  patronage  bcftowed  on  theprefident, 
and  a  fecond,  the  univerfal  negative  of  the  fenate. 
It  has  been  fliewn^,  that  a  prefidcnt,  v/ith  eleven 
feuators  to  help  him,  can  abfolutely  flop  the  whole 
bofmefs  of  the  Icgiilature.  This  may  be  called  re- 
prefentative  government,  but  it  is  evidently  the 
dregs  of  monarchy  and  ariftocraey. 

The  fame  piece  in  the  Minerva,  that  has  been 
above  cited,  fpeaks  of  Virp-inia  as  uncommonlv 
prone  to  infurre^lion.  The  American  Annual  Regit- 
ter*,  andtheHiilory  of  1796,  comprehend  a  variety 
of  remarks  in  anfvver  to  the  calumnies  heaped  upda 
that  if  ate  by  the  federal  party.  Theiubjecl  lias  not, 
however,  been  exhanfl^ed,  aiid  it  is  «f  infinite  con- 
cern to  undeceive  the  people  w^ho  may  have  bccii 

*Hiaory  of  1795,  Chap.  Vin. 


64  sk:£tchesofthe 

mifled  by  their  Prtificcs.    The  fa6t  then  is,  that  if 
true  republicanifm,  if  a  genuine  fenfe  of  order  and 
of  freedom,  fliall  be  driven  from  every  other  flat© 
in  the  union,  their  iafc  (land  will  be  made  in  Virgi- 
nia. Previous  to  the  actual  commencement  of  hol^ 
tiiities  in  1775,  little  or  nothing  was  heard  of  mobs 
in  that  province  5    for  its  inhabitants  were  fenfible 
that  the  burning  of  effigies,  the  bedaubing  of  a  de- 
iVncelefs  individual  with  tar  and  feathers,  was  not 
the  way  to  refiecc  honour  on  a  ilruggle  for  inde- 
pendence-^. While  the  Britifh  newfpapers  were  fil- 
led with  the  noify  and  tumultuous  proceedings  of 
Other  colonies,   Virginia  remained  in  comparative 
order  and  tranquility.    Her  loyalty  was  a  conflant 
iiibjecl  ofminiderial  exultation  ;  for  it  feemcd  plain 
enough,  that  if  fiie  ilood  by  the  old  country,  all  the 
projet^ts  of  New-England  were  to  end  in  difappoint- 
ment.  When  matters,  however,  came  to  an  extremi- 
ty, it  was  found,  that  Virginia  was  as  zealous  in  the 
common  caulc  as  any  other  fliate,   and  much  mere 
£0  than  men:  of  them.  Connedlicut  tories  fupported 
ti  bloody  fiiare  in  the  partizan  w^ar  of  the  frontiers. 
Mr.  Williams,  one  of  the  reprefentatives  of  New- 
York,    faid,   lafl  winter,   in   congrefs,  that   at  the 
copimencement  of  the  revolution,  one  half  of  the 
people  of  that  flate  were  tories.  In   Pennlylvania, 
the  revolutionary  party  never  could  have  flood  upon 
their  legs,    but  by  the  concurrence  of  Irifli   emi- 
grants. In  the  two  Carolinas  and  Georgia,  the  peo- 
ple fought  defperatcly  among  themfelves.  But  it  is 
believed  that,  during  the  whole  war,   no  body  of 
Virginian  citizens  ever  raifed  the  Britifh  flandard. 
They  did  not   even  iubmit,  when  Britifli   armies 
entered  the  Hate.    Fvamfay  fays,  that,   in  general, 

*  It  is  not  here  afHrmed  that  Ko/hh!^  q( th?X  kind  may  have  takea 
phct;  but  thi-.t;  upon  the  whole,  the  behaviour  of  the  colony  was 

exemplary. 


HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  C^ 

thty  chofe  to  retire  out  of  the  way,  when  Corn* 
wallis  was  burning  all  before  him.  In  battle  they 
were  inferior  to  no  troops  in  the  union.  The  fa- 
vages,  whom  they  fubdued,  ufed  to  fay,  that  Vir- 
ginia vvas  the  gre  if  knife. 

This  (late,  fo  frequently  ftigmatized  as  anii-- 
federal^  was  the  very  firll:  that  fuggelled  a  fede- 
ral union.  In  1785,  this  propofal  was  made 
in  the  Virginian  houfe  of  delegates.  In  confe- 
qnence,  an  imperfect  continental  convention  was, 
in  1 7865 held  at  Annapolis,  and  this  proved  the  feed- 
bed  of  that  convention  which  formed  the  prefcnt 
conftitution.  ''  Virginia,^'  fays  Morie,  ''  has  taken 
''  a  leading,  active,  and  influential  part  in  bringing 
^'  about  the  late  grand  revolution  in  onr  federal 
'^  government'^.''  Ever  fmce  that  time,  the  flate 
has  remained  in  tranquility,  and  in  perfed:  fabmif^ 
fion  to  the  laws.  To  Virginia,  America  is,  in  a 
a  great  meafure,  indebted  both  for  her  indepen- 
dence, and  her  prefent  conftitution.  To  upbraid 
her  then,  as  antifederal,  is  the  very  pinnacle  of  in- 
gratitude, of  audacity,  and  fid:ion. 

The  flo ck'jobbing  party  accufe  tlrls  flate  as  de- 
firous  of  a  war  with  England.  No  Virginian  above 
ideotifm,  ihould  ever  defire  a  foreign  v/ar.  Inter-' 
fefted  alfnoli:  throughout  by  navigable  flreams, 
Virginia  lies  more  open  to  the  ravages  of  a  mari- 
time enemy  than  any  other  ftate  in  the  union.  This 
truth  was  feverely  felt  during  the  war  of  1775; 
and  confequently,  this  will  be  one  of  the  lafl  flares 
tiliat  would  ever  wifli  for  aiftual  hcflility.  The  cla-' 
mour  excited  againd  her,  as  anxious  for  a  war  v/ith 
England,  is,  only  a  branch  of  the  truly  federal  ^y^- 
tern  of  impoflure. 

Virginia  has  been  reproached  for  permitting  the 
continuance  of  flavery.  But  we  have  the  authority 
■*  American  Gcooraphy,  London  Edition  of  17925  p.  400, 


6^  SKETCHES    OF    THE 

of  Mr.  Jefferfon*  for  faying,  that,  long  before  the 
y^volution,  the  fiate  w.anted  to  prohibit  the  imp(*r^ 
tation  of  ilaves  ;  a  tneafure  prevented  by  England4 
In  1786,  the  afTembly,  by  an  ad",  put  an  end  to  this 
vile  commerce ;  and  a  general  abolition  is  gradu- 
ally going  forward.  In  a  petition,  lately  prefented 
,to  congrcfs,  by  fome  negroes,  it  tranipired,  that 
Virginia  aiibrds  an  afylum  to  fugitive  flaves  from 
the  more  fout hern  dates.  She  does  not,  with  the 
favagenefs  of  North-Carolina,  prohibit  their  eman- 
cipation. While  MafTachufetts  connives  at  eccle- 
fiaflical  oppreflion,  Virginia  has  eflablifhed  an  uni- 
verfal  right  of  confcience,  and  no  man  is  obliged  to 
pay  for  religion,  unlefshe  plcafes.  The  clergymen 
of  New-England,  or  a  part  of  them,  cannot  avoid 
being  much  hurt  at  a  precedent,  fo  dangerous  to 
the  commercial  interel't  of  the  church  ;  and  they 
Lave,  undoubtedly,  fweMed  the  torrent  of  calumny 
with  which  Virginia  has  been  overv»^helmed  in  the 
eafiern  fcates. 

The  vindication  of  Virginia  has  been  tak^n  up 
in  this  place,  becaufe  the  federal  party  appear  very 
much  difpofed  to  extrude  her  from  the  union.  Ma- 
r^y  of  their  projecfts  and  menaces  are  fo  clofejy  in- 
terwoven \vith  downright  madnefs,  that  it  feems 
diiticult  to  believe  the  fincerity  of  the  party^  And 
yet,  after  their  attempt  for  a  conditional  rejeL^ion 
of  three  foreign  treaties,  nnlefs  they  could  obtain  a 
fourth  ;  after  their  propofed  (landing  army  of  twen- 
ty-five thoufand  ment  ;  their  doctrine  of  partitioning 
.^-iie  United  States^  ;  their  French  war;  their  Mexi- 
can excurfion,  with  other  frenzies  equally  wild  ana 
diilrac^ed,  wonder  ceafes  at  the  propofed  extru- 
fion  of  Virginia  ;  or,  as  Webder  and  other  federal 
writers  term  it,   a  feparation  from  the  whole  fou- 

*  Notes  en  Virginia*     i  American  Annual  Regifter.    i  Ibid. 


HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  ^j 

thern  ftates.  By  fuch  a  disjundion,  the  continent, 
as  to  all  its  external  relations,  would  fink  into  the 
low  eft  infignificance  and  wretchcdncis.  Yet  a 
Connecticut  newlprinter  has  publiilied  a  lerie?i 
of  letters  in  defence  of  this  propofed  feparation  ; 
which,  among  other  effe^ifts,  iuiplies  an  immcdi- 
ate  annihilation  of  public  and  private  credit,  and 
confequently  of  the  national  debt.  The  federal 
party  revile  Virginia,  becaufe  its  menibers*in  con- 
grcfs  have  coaftantly  oppofed  their  funding  fyftem, 
the  overgrowth  of  prefidential  influence,  and  other 
matters  conneclied  with  thefe.  Yet  if  left  to  them- 
felves,  Mr.  Sedgwick  and  Co.  would  long  fmce 
have  extinguiflied  the  prefent  government,  the 
funds,  and  ail  together.  If  they  can  juil  now  en- 
tangle the  union  in  a  French  war,  this  catailrophe 
may  flill  be  exped:cd.  The  following  anecdote 
difplays  the  genuine  fpirit  of  the  ftockholding 
party. 

''  When  the  bill  for  edablifliing  a  national  bank 
*'  was  under  confideration,  he  (Mr.  Madifon)  had 
''  oppofed  it,  as  720t  war-ranted  in  the  conjtitution^ 
"  and  incidently  remarked,  that  in  the  convention 
''  a  motion  was  made  and  negatived,  for  giving 
''  congrefs  a  power  to  grant  charters  of  corpora- 
^'  tion-^'.''  Mr.  Madifon  fubjoins,  that,  for  thisihght 
reference  to  the  convention,  he  was  attacked  by 
feveral  fpeakers,  and  among  others  by  Mr.  Gerry 
of  Maffachufetts,  who  bad  been  a  member  of  the 
convention. 

On  the  fubje<fl:  of  this  bank,  Mr.  Alexander 
Hamilton  gave  in  to  congrefs  a  report,  dated  13th 
of  December,  1790,  and  which  fills  tv/enty-one 
folio  pages,  He  fays  not  a  fingie  word  as  to  its  be- 
ing authorifed  by  the  conflitution,  which  undoubt- 

*  Bache's  Debates  en  theBritifli  Treaty,  vol.  X.  i\  378. 


6S  SKETCHESOFTHE 

ediy  gives  no  fuch  power.  But  here  we  learn  that 
it  was  dire(n:ly  negatived  by  the  framers  of  that  in- 
ilmment ;  and  expreisly  coiUradidted  the  fpirit 
and  defign  of  it.  Indeed,  a  power  of  creating 
corporations,  w^ouid  have  veiled  in  congrefs  an  op- 
preiiive  degree  of  influence,  repugnant  to  the  geni- 
us of  a  free  government. 

Mr.  Madiibn  was  cenfured  for  referring  to  what 
pafTcd  ill  the  convention.  When  an  o'oicure  paflage 
occurs  in  a  living  author,  the  beil  mode  of  expla- 
nation is  by  an  appeal  to  himielf.  When  a  bond  or 
indenture  r.ppears  ambiguous,  the  lured  way  to  get 
its  meaning  is,  by  enquiry  at  the  parties  who  drew 
and  fubfcribed  it*  T  he  reference  to  the  conven- 
tion was,  therefore,  llri'ftly  proper ;  and  Gerry, 
and  others  who  objected  to  it,  betrayed  impene- 
trable effrontery.  The  bare  omiilionof  fuch  power 
in  the  conflitution,  was  enough  to  warrant  the  re- 
jcdion  of  the  plan;  but  when  the  point  had  been 
abiblutely  debated  and  negatived  in  the  convention, 
this  added,  if  poillble,  to  the  ftrength  of  the  cafe. 
Congrefs  had  fworn  to  fnpport  the  conftitution. 
By  p^fhng  the  law  for  incorporating  the  bank  of 
■the  United  States,  they,  at  the  fame  inllant,  broke 
their  own  oaths  of  office,  and  violated  the  confti- 
tution. So  far  from  pocketing  the  reproof  for  refer- 
ence, Mr.  Pvladilon  and  his  friends  ought  to  have 
advertifed,  in  the  newfpapers,  the  true  picture  of 
this  enormous  ftride  of  venality.  Yet  this  junto  af- 
feft  peculiar  reverence  for  the  conftitution^  and 
hold  themfeives  out  as  its  exclufive  guardians.  All 
who  queftion  their  purity  are  its  enemies.  What 
aftonifliing  hardinefs ! 

Gerry,  and  great  part  of  his  majority,  were  dei^ 
tined  to  be  partners  of  the  future  bank,  thus  found- 
ed on  a  breach  of  the  conftitution.  Theie  are  the 
iiniBaculatc  Icgifiators  wKom  Virginia  detefts^  and 


HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  C^ 

Connedlicut  admires.   If  the  firfl  federal  congrefs 

wanted  the  compreheniive  information,  the  dignity 
of  ientiment,  and  enthiiriafai  of  eloquence,  that 
fometimes  mark  a  Britiih  parliament,  they  did 
not  fall  fhort  of  the  lervility,  meanneis,  and  cor- 
ruption of  its  blackeft  era. 

'A  writer  in  the  New-Jerfey  Centinel  of  Freedom^ 
of  January,  1797,  has  well  drawn  the  portrait  of 
fach  partifans  as  V/ehfcer.  '•'•  The  writer  of  this 
-*'  paragraph,'^  fays  he,  ''  by  good  government  only 
**  means  the  Hamiitonian  adminiftration  ;  by 
*'  good  order,  fubmiiiiGn  to  this  adminillration  ;  by 
*'  federal  ticket,  a  ticket  favourable  to  this  admi- 
*'  nillration  ;  and  by  peace,  peace  with  England 
'^  and  war  with  France.  It  is  curious  to  cbi'erve 
''  with  what  efirontery  fome  people  talk  of  good 
''government,  good  order,  peace,  and  federaiiim. 
*'  Every  one  knows  that  the  Hamiitonian  par- 
''  ty  have  difcovered  a  much  greater  dil'pofition 
"  towards  antifederalifm  than  their  political  oppo- 
''  nents  ;  for  they  have  on  all  occafions  endeav6iu- 
"■'  ed  to  quarrel  Tuith  the  foiithern  fiatcs^  and  dif- 
^'  affe^l  them  to  the  union.  Their  love  of  order 
*'  has  only  been  difcovered  by  their  fubmiiTicn  to 
''  an  adminiftration  under  their  own  controul ;  but 
''  as  foon  as  the  majority  of  the  houfe  of  repre- 
''  fentatives  checked  their  progrefs  to  dominion, 
^'  they  immediately  became  refraftory,  abuiive, 
"  and  attempted  to  menace  the  immediate  repre- 
"  fentatives  of  the  people  into  an  unconditional 
''  compliance  with  their  will :  their  love  of  peace 
"^  has  only  been  fliewn  by  an  humiliating  fubmifilon 
''  to  Britiih  infolence  and  depredation,  and  in  a 
''  profiituted  commendation  of  a  treaty  that  has  tar- 
'^  nilhed  the  lufire  of  America." 

7'hc    fulfome   compliments   which    have    con- 
flantly  paifed  between  the  prcfident  and  congrefs, 


70  SK15TCHESOFTHE 

betray  that  fpirit  of  monarchy,  of  which  the  letter 
to  rvlszzei  complains.  This  ferviiity  is  carried  far- 
ther by  congrefs  than  in  the  Britifh  houle  of  com- 
mons, where  a  royal  fpeech  is  always  criticized 
with  freedom  and  minutenefs.  Among  other  en- 
comiums bandied  between  Mr.  Wafhington  and 
the  iirft  congrefs,  one  turned  on  his  accepting  of 
no  falary  but  for  his  perfonal  expences.  *•'  I  muft 
''  decline,"  fays  he,  '^  as  inapplicable  to  myfelf, 
*'  any  fnare  in  the  perfonal  emoluments. — And  pray 
*^  that  the  pecuniary  eflimates  for  the  flation  in 
^''  which  I  am  placed,  may,  during  my  contmuance 
'^  in  it,  be  limited  to  fuch  actual  expenditures  as  tlie 
*'  public  good  may  be  thought  to  require**- 

The  anfvver  of  the  reprefentatives,  dated  May 
5th,  1789,  tells  him  that  this  reflri(n:ion5  '^cannot 
^'  fail  to  demiOndrate  the  purity^  whilfi:  it  increafes 
"  the  Iii/Ire  of  a  chara(fler,  which  has  fo  many  ti- 
*'  ties  to  adrMration  /"  Thus  they  began,  and  thus 
they  have  ever  fmce  gone  on.  Of  all  the  ^ailgar 
artifices  for  popularity  ever  heard  of,  this  as  to 
accepting  of  no  falary  is  perhaps  the  mod:  pitiful ; 
and  yet  fuch  has  been  public  infatuation,  that, 
while  drawing  for  every  cent  of  his  allowance, 
general  Wailiington  has  been  celebrated  for  refu- 
fmg  to  take  more  than  his  net  houfliold  charges. 
The  granting  of  fo  large  a  fum  had  bad  efre(n:s,  by 
adding  the  wet  of  avarice  to  that  of  ambition. 


HISTORY    OF    AMERICA. 


CHAPTER    IV* 

fhe  cafe  of  Edward  Hulen.^ — More  Britifh  amity  .^-^ 
'True  7notives  for  the  acceptance  ofjay^s  treaty. — 
Capture  of  the  Mount  Vernon. — Remarks  on  tke 
convention  of  ij^y . — Authentic  copy  of  the  plan  of 
gover?iment  propojed  by  Mr,  Hamilton. — Com-* 
nicntary  on  that  paper. 

i\.  S  our  prefidents  and  friends  of  ordcr^ 
are  fo  wonderfully  delicate  on  the  fubjed  of  Englifh 
piracies  and  imprefrments,  this  chapter  fliall  begin 
with  fome  recent  anecdotes  of  that  kind.  Every 
federal  artifice  has  been  employed,  from  the  two 
fpeeches  of  Mr.  Adams  to  congrefs,  down  to  the 
fcurrilous  paragraphs  in  Mr.  Fenno^s  gazette,  with 
the  view  of  exciting  the  temped  of  public  indig- 
nation againft  France.  A  fummary,  like  that  which 
follows,  will  help  to  prefcrve  in  cquipoife  the  ba- 
lance of  refentment* 

On  the  27thof  July)  I797,  Nathaniel  Silfbee,  cap- 
tain of  the  fliip  Betfey,  addrelTed  a  letter  to  the  prin- 
ter of  a  Salem  newfpaper.  He  had  arrived  at  Sa- 
lem three  days  before,  from  Madras.  He  left  in 
that  port  nine  EngliQi  fliips  of  war.  One  of  thcfe 
was  the  Sybille  frigate,  captain  Cook,  whoprefTed 
from  captain  Silfbee  Edward  Hulen,  a  native  of 
Salem.  He  alfo  threatened  that  if  complaint, fnould 
be  made  by  Silfbee  to  the  governor,  on  fliorc,  he 
would  not  only  take  every  f^samen,  but  alfo  every 
officer  from  the  Betfey.  He  did  not  commit  this 
violence  from  fcarcity  of  hands  ;  for  he  told  cap- 
tain SiilbcG  that  he  had  thirtv-five  xn^w  over  and 


72  SKETCHES    OF    THE 

abov^  his jliip^s  complement.  He  added,  that  he  be- 
lieved fifteen  of  them  to  be  real  American  born 
citizens.  He  faid  that  he  had  prefled  them  from 
on  board  of  American  fnips  at  Lifbon,  in  ipite  of 
the  remonftrances  of  the  American  conful  at  that 
place.  Cooke  farther  declared,  that  he  would  keep 
theie  men  in  perfect:  fecarity,  till  the  end  of  the 
war. 

After  the  imprefTment  of  Hulen,  the  Betfey 
■was  'daily  vifited  by  a  lieutenant  from  the  Sy- 
bilie.  Daring  his  flay  on  board,  this  officer 
took  fall  command  of  the  fliip,  miiftered  the  crew 
regularly  on  the  quarter  deck,  and  would  not  fuf- 
fer  any  (liip's  duty  to  be  carried  on  at  thefe  times. 
He  farther  threatened  to  correal  the  A^merican 
ofRcers  for  not  manning  the  Hiip's  fide,  and  paying 
him  Aieh  refneiH:  as  he  faid  that  the  prefence  of 
any  Britilh  ofiicer  ought  to  command.  Hulen 
has  left  an  aged  and  difconfolate  mother,  who 
depended  entirely  for  fupport  upon  hcrfon.  Cap- 
tain Silfbee  adds  that  feveral  other  x\mericanfeamen 
were,  about  the  fame  time,  prefTed  from  other  Ame- 
rican (hips  atMVIadras.  The  cafe  of  Edward  Hulen, 
mufl-  ai^icl  every  friend  to  the  United  States.  But  it 
will  give  joy  to  that  Britifli  junto,  in  this  city,  -who, 
by  a  recent  mxCailire,  have  done  tiieir  utmeft  for 
promoting  afTaffi nation.  The  late  and  prefent  be- 
haviour of  American  tories  afford  an  able  vindi- 
cation for  the  prudent  feverity  of  the  French  re- 
public. 

A  letter  from  a  Philadelphian  captain,  dated  Cape 
Nicholas  Mole,  i  :^th  July,  1797,  gives  the  following- 
account.  Off  "^rortuga,  his  vefTcl,  which  was  bound 
for  Gonaives,  a  French  port,  was  taken  by  an  En- 
gliili  frigate.  That  fame  evening,  while  the  fliips 
were  lying  within  twenty  yards  of  each  other,  the 
frigate  fired  a  twelve  pound  fhot  *•'  in  hopes  to  fjnk 


HISTORY    OF    AMERICA,  ^^ 

*'  me,'^  fays  the  captain.  On  arriving  at  Cape  Ni- 
cholas, his  papers  were  examined,  and  returned-; 
but  government  would  neither  buy  his  provifions, 
nor  permit  hmi  to  proceed  on  his  voyage;  ''  they 
''  pay  no  attention  to  the  treaty  here.'*  The  rea- 
fon  for  detaining  him  feems  to  have  been  Icfl:  he 
fhould  fail  for  a  French  port;  as  he  fubjoinsthat  he 
was  to  fail  for  Kingfton  by  the  firfl  convoy.  The 
captain  further  fays  that  the  Englifli  bring  in  foi- 
adjudication  all  American  veflels  going  to  or  co- 
ming from  French  ports.  Thofe  oo/ViiJ*  to  are  libel- 
led for  having  in  their  invoices. nails  and, knives, 
Frencii  letters,  French  fupercargr^cs  ;  or  in  fliort 
any  trifle  ferves  as  a  pretence,  and  they  are  gene- 
rally condemned.  Thofe  comi7ig  from  FrencIi 
iflands  are  libelled  for  having  coffee  6u  board,  fliip^ 
ped  by  the  French  admin iftration^  and  are  generally" 
condemned  as  FrencJi  Americans. 

Thus  the  f:^ngHQi  confider  Jay^s  tranfacTtion  as  a 
mere  jeft.  The  twenty  fifth  article  of  that  paper 
fays  that  '^  nothing  in  this  treaty  contained  fhaU, 
''  however,  be  conflrued  or  operate  contrary  to 
''  former  and  exifling public  treaties  with  other  ^o- 
"  vereigns  or  ftates."  Now,  before  this  war  begaH^ 
England  did  not  pretend  that  flie  had  any  title  to 
flop  Am.erican  veffeis  bound  to  a  Frewch  port ;  nor 
did  (lie  ever  attempt  to  flop  them.  1'he  violation 
would  not  have  been  endured  in  a  fmgle  inflanee, 
and  was  in  itfelf  too  extravagant  ever  to  have  been 
projected. 

By  the  twenty-third  article  of  the  treaty  of  com- 
merce, figned  at  Paris,  in  177B,  it  is  declared,  tha^ 
"  free  fliips  Ihall  alfo  give  a  freedom  to  goods;'" 
thus,  that  Englifli  property  in  an  American  fliip 
fliall  be  fecurc  from  a  French  privateer.  The 
twenty-fifth  claufe  of  Jay,  as  juft  now  quoted,  com- 
prehends a  protet'lion  of  the  treaty  of  Paris:  and 

K  ^  '       ' 


-4  sfcEtCHfiS    Ot   tH^ 

/yet^  In  pradlice,  the  PiLnglifli  have  bVokcn  it  m^iiy 
hundreds  of  times,  to  the  entire  ruin  of  a  multitude 
both  of  French  and  American  citizens.  They  were 
not  contented  with  this*  They  feized,  alio,  Ameri- 
can veiTels  bound  to  or  from  French  iflands,  which 
tended  diretlly  to  dedroy  the  trade  of  the  latter. 
Thus  the  French  were  put  upon  the  mod  unequal 
and  diflreffing  fcoting.  They  were  not  to  interrupt 
American  trade  with  the  Englifh  Weft-Indies,  while 
England  was  deflroying  American  trade  with  the 
French  Wefl-]ndies«  Inllead  of  interfering,  our 
palfied  executive,  through  the  medium  of  thefenate^ 
were  encouraging  Mr.  Fenno  to  publifh  daily  co- 
lumns of  invcd:ive  againflthe  French  revolution. 

It  was  not  to  be  fuppofed,  that  any  people,  and 
much  lefs  that  a  people  intoxicated  with  vi(!l:ory*, 
v/ere  long  to  endure  fuch  partial  treatment  as  that 
^bove  deicribed,  without  feeling  refentment  and 
meditating  vengeance.  The  frigid  negled  of  Mr. 
Wafhington  has  been  fucceded  by  the  boyifli  petu- 
lence,  or  faJlious  malignity  of  Mr.  Adams;  and  both 
have  gone  directly  to  the  extirpation  of  the  Ameri- 
can mercantile  intereft.  Had  Mr.  JefFerfon  been 
eletfled  prefident,  France  would  have  placed  fome 

*  The  French  government  lately  ptrblifhec!  a  ftateraent  6ft  this 
head,  from  the  8th  of  September,  »793>  to  the  iqth  of  February^ 
j'jgj.  The  republic  has,  by  this  account,  gained  thirty-one  pitched 
battles,  and  two  hundred  and  thirty  leffer  adions.  Her  troops  have 
killed  an  hundred  and  fifty-ttvo  thoufand,  fix  hundred  men ;  and 
fzken,  an  hundred  and  nlnety-feven  thoufand,  fcven  hundred  and 
eighty-four  prlfoners  ;  feven  thotifand,  nine  hundred,  and  fixtV-threc 
pieces  of  cannon;  an  hundred  and  eighty-fix  thoufand,  feven  hun- 
dred and  fixry-two  firelocks;  four  millions,  three  hundred  and 
eighty  eight  thoufand  poiinds  v  eight  of  powder,  and  five  hundred 
and  fifty-fe^'cn  important  cities,  or  camps,  fortsj  redoubts,  and  othef 
places  of  ftrength. 

This  IS  fuch  a  catalogue  of  fucccfs,  as,  perhaps,  no  other  nation 
fver  could  exhibit.  The  number  of  the  flain  is  certainly  not  magni- 
fied. Thofe  who  perifticd  in  hofpitals  were,  nioft  likely,  four  times 
'^  numerous^ 


HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  7^ 

confidence  in  the  known  purity  of  liis  republican 
*'  princrples.  This  national  choice,  would  have  held 
out  a  kind  of  pledge  for  the  general  good  will  of  the 
citizens  of  the  United  States  ;  and  the  deluge  of 
commercial  defolation  muft,  in  that  cafe,  have  had 
a  fair  chance  for  being,  in  fome  degree,  fulpended. 
But  when  the  French  found,  that  Mr.  Adams,  the 
friend  of  England,  was  railed  to  the  chair,  they 
forefaw  that  extremities  were  to  be  the  fole  re-^ 
fource. 

And  here  it  is  grateful  to  obferve,  how  com- 
pletely deceit  has  overfliot  its  mark.  With  many 
honourable  exceptions,  the  great  body  of  the  mer- 
cantile intereft,  in  this  city,  is  devoted  to  England^ 
as  exifting,  in  fome  meafure,  by  credit  obtained  in 
that  country.  The  printed  ticket,  the  ballot-box, 
and  pofl-officc  manoeuvres,  as  well  as  the  legal 
opinion^  £0  timeoufly  tendered,  during  the  late  elec- 
tion for  prefident,  were  the  work  of  the  federal 
party,  of  whom  our  Britifh  merchants  compofe  fuch 
a  powerful  divifion.  Having,  by  the  mofi:  fcandalous 
artifices,  obtained  the  election  of  Mr.  Adams,  as 
prefident,  they  now  reap  the  fruits  of  it  in  the  ruin 
of  their  trade,  and  the  probability  of  a  French  war, 
into  which  their  hero  is  {training  every  nerve  to 
plunge  them.  Had  they  permitted  the  election  to 
proceed  in  an  honcfc  way,  Mr.  Jeiferfon  muft  have 
been  prefident,  and  our  affairs  with  France  might 
have  been  in  a  train  of  accommodation. 

The  letter  from  the  Weft-Indies,  laft  quoted, 
has  neither  the  name  of  the  fhip  nor  captain,  and 
this  might  afford  room  for  doubting  its  authenticity. 
But  the  fubftance  of  its  contents  has  been  verified 
from  a  thoufand  other  channels.  The  printer  of 
the  Philadelphia  Gazette  has  no  difpofition  to  teli 
faults  of  England,  but  on  the  beft  evidence.  The 
fiippreiliQii  of  the  veffers  name  ariiesj  mod  Ukcly, 


76  SKETCHES    OF    THE, 

from  the  prudence  of  its  owner.  His  bill^,  indorfed 
by  fome  federal  friend,  are,  probably,  lying  pro- 
tefled  at  the  banks ;  and  the  guilt  of  having  fent 
fiich  a  piece  to  the  prefs,  would  be  an  adequate 
reafon  for  fending  him  to  prifon.  He  muft  know 
little  of  the  paper-money  party,  who  fancies  them 
incapable  of  fucli  a  proceis.  It  will  be  wonderful 
indeed,  if,  before  this  time,  the  Scotch  tories  at 
Norfolk,  have  not  commenced  the  ruin  of  the  pilot 
Butler. 

It  is  not  true,  by  the  way,  that  even  yet  the 
French  univerfally  capture  American  fiiips.  Here 
follows  an  inftance  to  the  contrary.  On  July  28th, 
1797,  the  fchooner  William,  captain  Linnei,  arriv- 
ed at  Norfolk,  from  Grenada*  On  the  4th  current, 
while  in  company  with  a  fchooner,  of  and  for  New- 
London,  two  French  privateers  brought  them  too. 
After  examining  their  papers,  the  French  told  them 
that  they  had  particular  orders  not  to  flop  or  dif^ 
turb  any  American  vefFel,  and  were  very  forry  for 
having  put  them  out  of  their  courfe.  The  mate  of 
the  William  had  fix  hundred  dollars  under  his  care, 
and  they  told  him  that  he  had  no  occafion  to  hide 
them,  as  they  iliouid  take  nothing  but  what  appeared 
to  be  Englidi  property.  A  French  failor was  feverely 
threatened  by  his  captain  for  attempting  to  ileal  a 
pig.  On  the  23d  of  May,  1797,  James  Ilanimond, 
an  American  feaman,  was  prejfT'ed  from  the  fliip 
Hope  of  New- York,  captain  Pierce,  at  Madeira. 
This  was  done  by  captain  James,  of  the  Britifh  brig 
of  war.  El  Corfo.  Some  days  after,  the  fame  brig 
imprefled  five  others  of  his  men,  two  of  whom 
were,  with  difficulty,  recovered.  Ham.mond  and 
other  three  were  kept.  On  the  28th  of  June,  the  brig 
Abigail,  capt.  Lake,  while  lying  in  the  port  of  Gi^ 
braltar,  was  boarded  by  the  Hamadryade,  a  Britifli 
frigate,  Fpur  of  his  crevi^  were  forcibly  tal^en  &way. 


HISTORY    OF     AMERICA.  77 

Tv/0  of  tjiem  had  been  recently  redeeined  from 
flavery  at  Algiers.  Captain  Lake,  who  gave  this, 
account,  arrived  at  Philadelphia  on  the  gift  of 
Augufl,  1797'  Other  inliances  of  Britilh  ImprefT- 
ment  might  be  collec'ied,  butthele  ai\efiifficient  for 
afample  of  the  admirable  effeds  of  our  Britilh  al- 
liance*. 

The  Hiftory  of  1796,  exhibits  oceans  of  demon- 
llration  that  the    dread    of  a  Britilh  war,   in   the 
event  of  congrefs  rejetiiing  Jay's  barpain,  was  the 
joint  of  oftspring  of  ignorance,    and  knavery.  Dr. 
Smith,  Mr.  Sedgwick,  and  the  other  fix  per  cent, 
leaders,   panted  for  nothing    io    much   as  alliance 
witii  a    monarchy,    which  fyrnifbed   ample  pre-^e- 
dents  for  every  fpeciesof  tinancial  corruption,  and' 
which  held  their  political  opponents  in  mortr^l  ab- 
horrence.    The  merchants  kept  in  view  compen- 
fation  for  previous  piracies,  a    perpetuity  and  ex- 
tenfion   of  their    Britilh   credit,  and  the  domefHc 
danger  of  perfecution  from   the  banks,  if  they   re- 
jedled  this  conclufive  flcp  of  the  Hamiltonian  fyi- 
tern.     The  people,  at    large,   who  could  have  no 
intereft    but  that  of  thrir  country,  believed  aiTer- 
tions,    which  the  timid  republican  reprefentativcs 
hardly  ventured  to  contradi«fi:.     Thus  was  the  wel- 

*  A  Bofton  nevvfpaper,  of  December  8th,  1797,  has  the  following 
fingular  fpecimen  o-f  Britifh  frieridfliip.  Captain  Coffin,  in  the  Joanna  of 
Nantucket,  had  failed  en  a  voyage  to  the  South  lea  vvliaie  nnicry. 
After  great  hardfhips  in  attempting  to  double  Cape  Horn,  he  retu  rued 
to  FiChby  to  repair.  He  would  then  have  made  a  plentiful  car|»o, 
but  was  prevented  by  a  Britifh  letter  of  marque,  the  captain  whereof 
had  orders  not  to  let  any  American  veflel  c.uch  n(h,  till  the  Britim 
ihips  were  .fnpplied.  Thus  captain  Cofiin  lay  idle  during  half  the 
feafon,  till  the  letter  of  marque  failed  away.  The  Britiih  fiihers  then 
fuffered  him  to  proceed  in  his  bufmefs ;  hut  they  fi-iewed  him  a  pro 
clamation,  excluding  ail  American  vellels  from  killing  whalci,  till 
the  Britifli^had  left  the  ftation. 

As  the  United  States  have,  for  fome  years  pafl,  become  a  mere 
receptacle  for  external  indignities,  no  trl^e  cif  this  kind  can  be  fu|> 
pofcd  10  rtiake  an  impreffioii. 


78  SKETCHES    OF    THE 

fare  of^  the  United  States  facrificed  to  the  fhbrt- 
lighted  profpedls  of  intereft:  and  fear.  General  infa- 
tuation overlooked  the  moral  certainty  that  France, 
baving  already  broke  down  one  half  of  Europe, 
would  demand  and  extort  from  America  a  tenfold 
atonement  for  the  ungrateful  and  injurious  prefer- 
ence given  to  the  moft  detefted  of  her  enemies. 

The  feafon  of  repentance  and  degredation  has  at 
length  arrived.  Like  Cefar's  ides  of  March,  it  has 
come,  but  it  has  not  gone.  On  this  head,  the  Ma- 
ryland Journal  of  Ji^ne  i8th,  1796,  contains  a  few 
remarks  that,  like  the  prophecies  of  CalTandra, 
will  find  belief  when  it  is  too  late.  They  were  oc- 
calioned  by  the  capture  of  the  Mount  Vernon,  a 
few  days  before,  and  are  as  follows. 

"  Phosdrus,  tells  a  flory  of  a  man  with  whom 
f *  two  females  were  in  love.  His  hair  was  half 
''  black  and  half  grey.  One  of  his  admirers  pul- 
"  led  out  all  the  grey  hairs  to  make  him  look  young  ; 
'*  and  the  other  all  the  black  hairs  to  make  him 
*'  look  old.     He  very  foon  became  bald 

"  The  prefent  condition  of  American  commerce 
*^  may  be  quoted  as  a  corrollary  to  this  fable.  On 
^'  one  hand,  the  Britifh,  under  the  moft  frivolous 
'^  or  fcandalous  pretences,  feize,  plunder,  and 
^'  confifcate  American  veffels,  beat  or  prefs  the 
'*'  crew,  and  in  the  cafe  of  Mr.  Boffon,  murder  the 
^'  captain.  On  the  other  hand,  the  French  captain 
*^  of  the  Flying  Fifh  deliberately  leaves  his  dwelling 
**  houfe  at  No.  399,  North  Front-ftrect,  Philadel- 
^'  phia,  goes  aboard  of  his  veflel,  fails  down  the  ri- 
^'  ver,  captures  one  of  our  merchantmen,  and  fhews 
*^  the  mafter  51  lift  of  others  which  he  is  refolved 
^' to  take.  He  then  ftands  in  for  the  coaft,  turns 
'*  the  crew  into  a  pilot  boat,  gives  them  his  name 
^'  ?Lnd  addrefsj  and  tells  them  that  he  has  orders  to 


HiStORt   Qt   AMERICA.  *jg 

*^  Ceitc  every  vefFel  which  he  knew  or  cven/u/pec^ 
*'  /i^ J  of  being  bound  to  or  from  Britain. 

"  Thus  the  head  of  the  axe  is  at  once  buried  in 
**  therootof  our  comLmcrce.  Citizen  Paris  plain- 
''  ly  confiders  himfelf  as  ailing  by  legal  authority* 
*'  He  does  not  hide  his  candle  under  a  bufliel.  He 
''  hasrefidedin  Philadelphia,  where  his  family  and 
*'  houfhold  furniture  are  ftill  very  likely  to  be 
*'  found,  and  where  he  is  himfelf  well  known. 
*'  When  boarding  th«  Mount  Vernon,  he  behaves 
''  like  a  man  confcious  of  rectitude,  and  difdainful 
*'  of  oppofition,  frankly  tells  his  name,  his  place 
'^  of  refidence,  his  inflru^lions,  and  his  intentions. 
^'  It  requires  very  little  judgement  to  fee  that  the 
''"  captain  of  the  Flying  Fifli  is  not  a  pirate.  He 
''  muft  therefore  be  fomething  elfe  ;  and  it  is  not 
^'  prefurnptuous  to  think  hivn  only  part  of  ajlupen- 
*'  dous  luhole;  in  a  word,  that  five  hundred  other 
'^privateers,  belonging  to  the  republic,  have,  or 
*'  very  foon  v/ill  have,  commiflions  of  the  fame  te~ 
*'  nor  with  his« 

"  The  circumftances  announce  profound  con- 
^*  tempt  for  this  country.  If  France  did  not  like 
''  our  treaty  with  her  Britilh  enemy,  (he  might  have 
**  attempted  to  defeat  it  by  negociation.  But  this 
•'  flie  fcorned  to  do  ;  for,  though  the  Bofton  Centi- 
*'  nel  and  the  Minerva,  have  repeatedly  faid  that 
*'  about  fifty  members  of  congrefs  are  traitors  to 
*'  their  country  and  French  tools,  no  body  is  weak 
''  enough  to  believe  fo  impudent  an  affertion. 
*'  France  finds  that  fhc  can,  by  this  time,  do  with- 
^'  out  us,  and  fcorns  to  enquire  what  are  our  de- 
*'  ligns.  Provifions  are  now  as  cheap  and  plentiful 
*'  in  France  as  here,  and  the  want  of  them  was 
**  the  chief  reafon  why  fhe  courted  our  good  wiU 
.*'  with  fo  much  ailiduity. 


io  sKtJEtches  of  THE 

Inclseci  many  features  in  our  beiiaviour  t-o 
France  feem  clefigned  to  ciifguit  her.  Nevvfpa- 
peis  and  pamphlets  have  teemed  with  abufe  of 
''  the  mod  inPiammatory  and  indecent  nature  againfl; 
the  republic.  They  have  been  circulated  with 
indufiry,  and  read  with  approbation,  by  a  very 
numerous  party  among  us.  The  vjord  jacobi7t 
*'  has  been  traniplanted  into  the  vocabulary  of  Amc- 
^'  rican  billingigate  ;  and,  in  fine,  grinning  where 
"  they  could  not  bite,  one  half  of  our  political  au- 
''  thors,  orators,  and  printers,  have  reprefented  the 
"  French,  by  the  lump,  as  the  vileft  monfters  that 
"  ever  difgraced  the  human  form.  It  Was  impoi- 
*'  fible  that  the  French  fhould  not  be  offended  at 
''  fuchqhildifn  infolence,  fuch  toothlefs  malignity. 
^'  We  arc  nov/  reaping  the  harveft  that  we  have 
*^  fown. 

''  The  naval  power  of  Britain  is  a  juft  objecl:  of 
*'  terror  to  this,  pountry ;  but  that  of  France, 
*'  though  inferior  to  the  fonner,  is  yet,  by  a  mil- 
*'  lion  of  times,  fijperior  to  that  of  a  nation  who.fe 
'^  navy  confifls,  of  three  or  four  frigates,  that  have 
*'  been  for  two  years  on  the  ftocks,  and  are  like- 
^'  ly  to  remain  there.  By  a  quarrel  with  Britain 
^'  we  might  have  had  the  miferable  revenge  of  plu.n- 
''  dcring  part  of  her  commerce,  but,  from  France, 
*'  \ve  can  gain  nothing  better  than  bloody  nofes  and 
^'  wooden  legs.  She  has  few  trading  (liips  at  fea  ; 
^"^  and,  as  for  taking  her  privateers,  the  Flying  Fifli 
^'  would  hardly  fell  at  vendue  for  as  much  powder 
'*  an<i  ball  as,  in  tlie  common  rate  of  lighting,  would 
^'  be  wanted  to  Hnk  her.       ^ 

*'  Pretences  for  fea-robbery  are  ahvays  to  be  had. 
^^  The  republic  may  declare  Britain  to  be  in  a  (late 
"  of  iiege;  and  with  as  much  reafon  as  the  Britifli 
*'  have  declared  Guadaloupe  to  be  fo.  She  is  then^ 
*'  by  the  Icivv'  of  iiations,  warranted  to  capture  all 


HISTORY    OF    AMfikiC  A.  Bl 

*'  that  goes  but  or  comes  in  ;  and,  between  the  two 
*'  rivals,  America  is  exa^lly  in  the  fame  plight  with 
*'  the  man  in  Phcedrus  between  his  two  miflrefles. 

'^  If  France  had  Cent  a  dozen  men  of  war  to  at- 
*'  tack  our  Tea  coaft,  it  would  have  (liown  that  fhe 
''  at  leaffc  thought  us  capable  of  refiflance  ;  but 
*'  when  a  canoe  of  fix  nine  pounders  is  made  the 
*'  inftrument  of  alarm  and  Vengeance,  we  may 
*'  guefs  that  her  refentment  is  exceeded  by  her 
^'  contempt* 

''  Much  has  been  faid  of  the  benefits  refulting  to 
*'  America  from  the  privilege  of  trading  in  neutral 
*'  bottoms  during  the  prefent  war.  But  the  war 
^'  has  caufed  a  rife  in  the  price  of  provifions  ruin- 
*'  ous  to  many  individuals.  For  one  example,  out 
*'  of  an  hundred  thoufand,  there  is  a  peribn  now 
*'  in  a  printing-office  in  Baltimore,  whofe  wager> 
*'  were^  three  years  ago^  a  dollar  per  Week  higher 
^'  than  they  are  now  ;  while,  at  the  fame  time,  a 
*'  dollar  will  not  go  half  as  far  now  as  it  did  then. 
''  Individuals  who  are  in  this  fituation,  plainly  paj^ 
*'  a  perfonal  tax,  extending  to  half  their  income, 
*^'  on  account  of  the  war.  To  them  it  i^i  evidently  and 
^'  highly  opprefiive* 

"  TheEngii(h  have  often  envied  the  rapid  pro- 
*'  grefs  of  America  in  the  carrying  trade.  They 
*'  have  laboured  in  vain  to  thruft  her  out  of  it.  By 
^'  a  policy  more  acute  than  honourable,  Eng- 
*'  land  is  now  within  light  of  afTedingher  purpofe^ 
''  France,  has,  for  many  years,  been  fighting  the  bati~ 
*'  tics  of  America,  but  citizen  Paris  has  now  begun  to 
''  fight  thofe  of  Britain.  If  he  ads  without  autho- 
''  rity,  the  miflakemay  cofl  him  his  life,  in  a  coun- 
*'  try  like  France,  where  the  head  of  a  man  is 
^^  fometimes  cut  off  with  as  little  ceremony  as  the 


quarters  of  a  bull  frog. 


32  SKETCHES    OF    THE 

It  13   generally  nnderflood,  that,  in  tbe  co2ivei>- 
tion  of  1787,    a  form  of  government,  in  fubilance 
monarcliical,  was  propofed  and  rejc(5led.  Ivlr.  Ha- 
milton conducted  this  party.  At  the  period  of  accept- 
ing the  conftitution,  the  republicans  were  difplealed 
by  the  length  of  time  for  Vv  hich  the  fenate  hold  their 
feats ;  and,  it  has  been  affirmed,  that  their  friends 
in  tlie  convention,  only  acceded  to  it  as  a  m Jitter  of 
compromife.  If  the  arillocratical  party  had  carried 
the   point   of    a  prefident  and   fenate  elected   for 
tv-elvc,   ov  even  eight  years,  this  would  have  an- 
fwcrca^  very  completely,  all  the  purpofes  of  mo- 
narchy. They  could,  as  at  prefent,  throw  out  every 
bill   from   the  reprefentatives,  Vv^hich  did  not  fuit 
their  views.  In  the  meantime,  their  chief,  the  pre*- 
fident,  had  the  abfolntc  difpofal  of  the  loaves  and 
fifhes  ;    and  fo  long  a  period  of  ulelefs  refiflancc, 
cnuld  not  fail  to  wear  out  the  obilinacy  of  almofi: 
any  republican  in  the  lower  houfe.  Here  then,  be- 
liold  royalty  in  all  its  deformity  of  flrength  and  cor- 
ruption !  The  federal  fenate  of  twelve  years  were 
likely  to  have  been  more  flexible,  jii ore  abjecTl:,  than 
even  a  Britifli  houfe  of  peers.  The  latter,  in  general, 
enjoy  an  independent  property  twenty  or  forty  times 
greater  than  that  of  moii  American  fenators.  Hence 
the  former  are  lefs  acceflible  than  the  latter,  either 
to  foreign  or  domeliic  corruption.  Had  Mr.  Ha- 
milton, therefore,  and  his  party,  obtained  this  objecl: 
of  a  longer  period  for  the  election  of  a  fenate  and 
prefjdcnt,  the  whole  fruits  of  tlie  revolution  mud 
have  been  forfeited.  Of  the  two  fyflems,  Britifii  fu- 
premacy  would  have  been  the  ieffer  evil.  There 
is  no  peculiar  fuMimity  in  American  legiflators,  that 
would  render  them  impenetrable  to  an  argument 
from  the  mint.     Franking,    for  inftance,  was  not: 
more  odly  perverted  by  an  Englifn  member  to  pay 
the  wages  of  his  footman,  than  by  Roger  Shcnnan 


HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  85 

trannnitting  his  dirty  linen  from  Piiiladelphia  to  a 
ConnedlicLit  wafhinu;  tub. 

The  adliial  plan  of  a  federal  conftitution,  as  Icrid 
before  the  convention  by  Mr.  Hamilton,  was  never 
cxpofed  to  the  public  view.  A  copy  of  it  has  been 
obtained  for  infertion  in  this  volume.  It  was  com- 
municated by  a  gentleman  who  has  long  held  an 
important  fituation  in  the  government  of  the  coun-^ 
try.  By  fmgalar  good  fortune,  his  character  has 
efcaped  the  fliafts  even  of  fede^-al  calumny;  and 
his  name  is  at  the  fervice  either  of  Mr.  Hamilton, 
or  of  any'gentleman  wdio  fhall,  at  his  defire,  enquire 
for  it.  In  two  or  three  fentences  he  may  have  va- 
ried a  word,  from  inaccuracy  of  tranfcription,  but 
he  is  pofitive  as  to  having  preferved  the  ideas,  in 
every  article,  with  (Iricl  fidelity.  The  paper  has 
alfo  been  read,  in  prefenceof  two  members  of  con- 
grefs,  to  a  gentleman  who  fat  in  the  convention ; 
and  he  declared  his  belief  that  it  was  a  faithful  copy 
of  the  plan  fuggefted  by  Mr.  Hamilton.  After  this 
previous  explanation,  as  to  the  authenticity  of  the 
paper,  nothing  remains  but  to  give  a  copy  of  it, 
annexing  to  fome  of  the  articles  a  fev/  obferva- 
tions. 

PROPOSITION  OF  Colonel  HAMU.TON  op  NEW- 
YORK,  ix  THE  CONVEN  riON  for  ESTABLISHING  a 
CONSTITUTION  of  GOVERNMENT  for  the  UNI- 
TED STATES. 

I.  "  The  fupreme  legiflative  power  of  the  Uni  ♦ 
"  ted  States  of  America  to  be  vefted  in  two  differ- 
*'  ent  bodies  of  men  ;  the  07te  to  be  called  the  aflem- 
"  bly  ;  the  ot%er  the  fenate,  who  together  (hall  form 
"  the  legiflature  of  the  United  States,  with  power 
**  to  pafs  all  laws  whatfoevcr,  fubjed  to  thQ  negatrc:^ 
**  hereafter  mentioned. 


84  SKETCHES    OF    THE 

II.  '**  Thc^fTembly  to  confifl:  of  perfons  elecledby 
"  the  people,  to  ferve  for  three  years." 

[One  year  is  long  enough.  The  Senate  arc  re- 
markably liftlefs  about  the  trifling  bufmefs  which 
they  have  to  do  ;  and  this  may  be  juftly  afcribed  to 
the  length  of  time  for  which  tiiey  are  elected. 
The  nation  cannot  hold  its  legiflators  by  too  Ihort 
a  bridle,] 

III.  "  Thc^  fenate  to  confifl:  of  per  Tons  elecled 
^*  to  ferve  during  good  behaviour;  their  eleftion 
'*  to  be  made  by  electors  chofen  for  that  purpofe 
*'  by  the  people  ;  in  order  to  this  the  flates  to  be 
"  divided  into  eledion  diflricSls.  On  the  death,  re- 
*'  moval,  or  refignation  of  any  fenator,  his  place  to 
"  be  filled  out  of  the  diltricft  from  which  he  came.'* 

[This  claufe  is  exceptionable.  To  fcrve  during 
good  behaviour  means  to  hold  the  office  for  life; 
fmce  if  a  fenator  votes  with  the  majority,  it  is  about 
impoffible  to  get  him  difmiffed.  This  has  been 
proved  by  two  well  known  cafes  in  the  prefent 
ienate,  As  for  this  mode  of  elet^ing  by  electors, 
it  gave  room  for  that  juggling  by  which  Mr.  Adams 
obtained  the  preiidency.  The  paper  mud  imply,, 
though  it  has  not  beenfo  exprefTed,  that  the  fenate 
were  to  have  a  negative  on  the  a([ls  pafTed  by  the 
reprefentatives.  Thus  legiflation  would  ilTue  in 
an  aridocracy  holding  their  feats  for  life.  It  would 
be  far  preferable  to  fend  back  for  an  Elnglifh  go- 
vernor.] 

IV.  '*  The  fupreme  executive  authority  of  the 
^*  United  States  to  be  veiled  in  a  governor  to  be 
*•  eleifted  during  good  behaviour  ;  the  eletdion  ta 
**  be  made  by  ele(!:l:ors  chofen  by  the  people  in  the 
*'  ele<dion  diftricls  aforefaid  :  the  authorities  and 
••  funtSlions    to  be  as  follows  :  to  have   a  fieirative 

7  O 

"  upon  all  laws  about  to  be  pafTed,   and  the  execu-» 
*.'  tion  of  all  laws  pafTed  3  to  have  th^  dire<^ioa  of 


HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  $^ . 

"  war,  when  authoriied  or  begun  ;  to  have,  with 
*'  the  advice  and  conicnt  of  the  fenate,  the  power 
*'  of  making  siU  treaties;  to  have  the  fole  appoint* 
"  ment  of  the  heads  or  chief  officers  of  finance  and 
•'  foreign  affairs  ;  to  have  the  nomination  of  ail 
**  other  officers,  ainbafradors  to  foreign  nations  in- 
*'  eluded,  fubjecl  to  the  approbation,  or  rejeiTrion  of 
"  the  fenate ;  to  have  povv^er  ©f  pardoning  all  of- 
**  fences,  except  treaibo,  which  he  fhali  not  pardon 
*'  without  the  approbation  of  the  fcnate. 

[America  has  been  taught,  by  experience,  that 
the  fenatoriai  check  on  the  prefident  is  a  irserc 
fiiadow.  The  number  of  fenators  is  fo  fmall, 
and  the  offices  which  he  has  to  bcflow  are  fo 
many,  that  a  prefident  always  has  command 
ded,  and  always  may  command,  the  acquiefcence 
of  a  majority  in  any  meafm^e  that  he  thinks  fit, 
The  contrary  can  only  happen  by  a  very  unuiual 
combination  of  v:ircumflances.  But  when  this  go- 
vernor and  fenate  hold  their  feats  for  life,  nothing 
but  jobbing  and  corruption  can  be  e^q^eded  to 
enfue.  The  executive  negative  on  the  laws  en-** 
truftiog the  welfare  of  a  whole  people  to  the  judg- 
ment or  folly  of  a  fingle  man,  is  one  of  the  very- 
worfl  features  in  monarchy.  The  power  of  making 
treaties,  as  explained  by  congrefs  in  the  cafe  of  Jay, 
implies  any  thing  and  everything.  Inftcadof  holding 
his  office  for  life,  a  prefident  fiiould  not  hold  it  for 
more  than  two  years  at  a  time,  leaving  the  peo^ 
pie  to  ele(Sb  him  a  feeond  time  if  they  faw  proper. 
This  would  diminiffi  the  probability  of  his  becom- 
ing a  penfioner  to  fome  foreign  power ;  as  the 
(liortnefs  of  his  ftay  in  office  would  make  it  lelk 
v/orth  while  to  purchafe  him.  Such  a  fale  is  far 
within  the  chapter  of  poffibilities.  Suppofe  that 
ibme  future  chief  magiftrate  of  America  ill  all 
v/rite   an  encomium  ^    ia   three  volumes,  on  X\iq 


S6  SKETCHES    OF    THE 

conflitiitlon  of  Ruflia;  that  the  latter  country  fhall 
be  at  war  with  England  ;  and  that  he  iliall,  in  de- 
fiance of  the  interelt  of  his  conflituents,  and  to 
tiie  apparent  ruin  of  the  government  itfelf,  attempt 
to  plunge  America  into  the  quarrel,  as  an  ally  of 
RuiTia.  Reafon  muft  conclude,  that  the  court  of 
Peterfourgh  has  paid  him  handfomely  for  his  efforts. 
The  probability  of  a  fecret  peniionwili  be  increaf- 
cd,  if  it  fiiall  tranfpire,  that  this  prefident,  before 
his  elevation,  correfpondcd,  in  a  very  diilionourablc 
mode,  with  fonie  fpy  or  informer  at  Peterfburg. 

With  the  powcps  conferred  by  Mr.  Hamilton's 
propofal,  an  American  goreryior  w^ould  want  no- 
thing of  royalty  but  the  name.] 

v.  "  On  the  death,  refignation, -or  removal  of 
"  the  governor,  his  authorities  to  be  exercifed  by 
*•  the  prefident  of  the  fenate,  till  afucceffor  be  ap- 
**  pointed. 

VI.  '*  The  fenate  to  have  the  foie  power  of  de- 
"  daring  war,  the  poweiv'^^f  advifmg  and  approv- 
"  ing  ail  treaties,  the  power' of  approving  and  re- 
"  jecHng  all  appointments  of  officers,  except  the 
"  heads  or  chiefs  of  the  departments  of  finance, 
•*  war,   and  foreign  affairs.'^ 

[The  fole  power  of  declaring  war  is,  in  itfelf, 
fuch  a  fweeping  privilege,  as  could  not  be  fafely 
entrufled  but  to  the  immediate  reprefentatives  of 
the  people.  This  would  be  a  complete  ariftocracy.J 

VII.  *'  The  fupreme  judicial  authority  of  the 
•*  United  States,  to  be  veft^ed  in  judges,  to  hold  their 
"  office  during  good  behavi^'Ur,  with  adequate  and 
•*  permanent  falaries;  the  court  to  have  original 
"  jurifdiclion  in  all  caufes  of  capture,  and  an  appel- 
**  late  jurifdiction  in  all  caufes  on  which  the  reve^ 
*'  nues  of  the  general  government,  or  the  citizens 
*^  of  foreign  nations,  are  concerned. 


HISTORY    OF    AMERI9A.  V 

Vill.  '*  The  legiflature  of  the  United  States  to 

•'  have  power  to  inflitute  courts  in  each  ftate,  lx>r 

*'  the  determination  of  all  matters  of  general  con- 

*'  cern. 

IX.  *'  The  governors,  fenators,  and  all  officers 
"  of  the  United  States  to  be  liable  to  impeachment 
*•  for  mal  and  corrupt  conduct  ;  and,  upon  convic- 
*^  tion,  to  be  removed  from  office,  and  difqualified 
"for  holding  any  place  of  truft  and  profit,  And  all 
"  impeachments  to  be  tried  by  a  court  to  confift  of 
*'  the  chief  --^^  or  judge  of  the  fuperior 
"  court  of  law  of  e?ich  (late,  provided  fucl^  judge 
"  hold  his  place  during  good  behaviour  and  have  a 
**  permanent  falary." 

[A  governor,  in  the  previous  appointment  of 
judges,  could  readily  feleS:  men  from  whofe  ver- 
dict he  fnouid  have  nothing  to  fear,] 

X.  "  x\ll  laws  of  the  particular  ftates,  contrary 
*'  to  the  conilitution  or  laws  of  the  United  States, 
**  to  he  utterly  void  ;  and  the  better  to  prevent  fuch 
**  laws  being  paiTed,  the  governor  or  prelident  of 
*'  each  ftate  fliall  be  appointed  by  the  general  go- 
"  vernment,  and  ffiali  have  a  negative  upon  the 
*'  laws  about  to  be  pafTed  in  the  flate  of  which  he  is 
"  governor  or  prefident/^ 

[This  (7ppomtme?2t  and  negative  would  reduce 
the  ftate  alTemblies  to  perfed:  infignificance.] 

XI.  "  No  ftate  to  have  any  force,  land  or  navaJ^ 
•*  and  the  militia  to  be  under  the  foie  and  excluftve 
*'  direftion  of  the  United  States,  the  officers  of 
*'  which  to  be  appointed  and  commiffioned  by 
"  them.'' 

Theiaft  word,  undoubtedly,  applies  to  thefenate 
and  governor,  whom  the  fourth  and  fixth  articles 
had  already  veftcd  with  the  power  of  all  appoint- 

*  Here  is  a  blank  ia  tbe  raanufcriDt, 


'^8  SI^ItTCHES    OF    THh. 

mcnts.  So  immenle  an  accumulation  of  patfbfiage^ 
would  have  made  them  as  abfolute  as  the  late  kings 
of  France.  Such  a  fyftem  as  that  here  fKCtched  out 
was  a  dired  extirpation  of  the  liberties  of  America. 
General  Wafliington,  as  a  member  of  the  conven- 
tion, knew  this  plan  ;  and  that  it  met  Vi,'ith  his  ap- 
probation is  plain  ;  for  when  raifed  to  the  preu- 
dency,  he  appointed  Mr.  Hamilton  to  be  fecretary 
of  che  treafury .  This  office,  in  the  way  by  which  Mr* 
Hamilton  conducted  it,  immediately  ^comprehend* 
ed  twenty  times  the  real  influence  enjoyed  by  Mr. 
JerTerfon,  as  fecretary  of  ftate.  The  prefident 
thereafter  continued  to  foUer  Mr.  Hamilton  with 
augmenting  confidence,  and  never  fsiled  to  ratify 
all  the  (latutes  of  his  majority.  Thcfe  circum- 
fiances  fpeak^very  diftinclly ;  nor  will  the  prefident's 
tuneful  periods  in  praife  of  republican  govern- 
^iient  obliterate  the  ilain.  Mr.  VVafhington  ought 
to  have  held  in  deteftation  every  man  capable  of 
inventing  or  defending  fo  vile  a  fcheme.  Infl:cad 
of  that,  the  apoilie  of  a  federal  throne  was  preiTed 
to  his  bofom. 

When  fuch  plans  were  in  agitation,  it  is  not  for- 
prifmg  th-at  a  party  in  the  convention  became  fo- 
licitous  to  Ihut  their  doors.  But  time  has,  at  length, 
rent  the  veil  of  fecrecy  ;  and  the  primitive  prin- 
ciples and  projcdls  of  Mr.  Hamilton  and  his  friends 
are  now  fairly  committed  to  the  world. 

When,  in  the  convention  of  1787,  the  vote  was 
carried  for  (hutting  the  doors,  the  republican  par- 
ty fnould  have  walked  out  of  the  houfe.  1  heir 
want  of  firmnefs  hath  been  the  fole  caufe  of  their 
deprcflion.  It  v/as  of  infinite  confcquence  that 
the  opinions  and  arguments  of  every  member  in 
the  convention  (liould  be  exa<R:ly  known.  There- 
publicans  could  not  have  committed  a  greater  er- 
ror than  by  flinching  from  the  publicity  of  debatcsrr 


HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  S^ 

As  the  convention  met  in  order  to  frame  a  repre- 
fentative  government,  their  numbers  ought  to 
have  borne  fome  proportion  to  the  importance  of 
the  flates  from  whence  they  came.  For  though  the 
meeting  voted  feperately  by  dates,  and  not  in  an  indi- 
vidual mafs,  yet  ftill  that  flate  which  fent  the  grea- 
teft  number  of  reprefentatives  had  the  bell  chance 
of  obtaining  its  own  wiihes.  Five  lawyers  in  a 
caufc  have  the  advantage  over  two  of  equal  abili- 
ties. To  this  convention  Pennfylvania  fent  eight 
reprefentatives,  Delaware  five,  MafTachufetts  two, 
Virginia  three,  and  New-York  one.  The  confli- 
tution  was  indeed  to  be  thereafter  fubmitted  to  the 
ftates  feperately ;  but,  when  once  framed,  it  was 
difficult  to  get  an  alteration  without  rejeding  the 
whole  plan  6 


CHAPTER    V, 


Remarks  on  Mr,  Alexander  Hamilton's  explanation 
of  his  correjpondence  with  James  Reynolds. 


O 


N  Augufl:  25th,  1797)  apamphlet  was 
publiflied  at  Philadelphia,  under  the  following  title : 
"  Obfervations  on  Certain  Documents,  contained 
*'  in  No.  V.  and  VL  of  the  Hijlory  of  the  United 
^'  States^  for  the  year  1796,  in  which  the  Charge 
*^'  of  Speculation,  againft  Alexander  Hamilton^ 
"  late  Secretary  of  the  Treafury,  is  fully  refuted* 
"  Written  by  Himfelf.^' 

This  piece  extends  to  thirty-five  pages,  befidcs 
an  appendix  of  fifty-eight.  The  firil  part  comprifes 
the  author's  reply  to  the  accufation  againfl  him. 
The  latter  contains  fifty-fix  letters  and  other  papers* 

M 


0  SKETCHES   O^    THE 

Mr.  ttamllton  opens  his  pamphlet  with  a  dc^ 
Cription  of  the  jacobms  of  America.  In  his  dialeclj 
the  word  jacobin  compreliends  one-half  of  the  ci- 
tizens of  the  United  States  ;  for,  at  the  late  election 
of  prefident,  the  two  parties,  under  the  refpcftive 
names  of  Adams  and  Jefferfbn,  were  exactly  ba- 
lanced. By  accident,  or  fraud,  a  part  of  the  ci- 
tizens of  Pennfylvania  were  prevented  from  tranl- 
mitting  their  votes  to  this  city,  within  the  time  re- 
quired by  law.  Hence  Mr.  Jeffcrlon  had  only  thir- 
teen fuft rages  from  this  flate,  when  the  voice  of 
the  people  had  given  him  fifteen.  The  transference 
of  thefe  two  votes  to  the  oppofite  fcaie,  decided 
againfl  Mr.  Jeftcrfon.  He  lofl  the  prelidency  by  a 
minority  of  fixty-eight  fuffrages  againft  feventy- 
one.  Had  the  remainder  of  the  Pennfylvania  votes 
been  accepted,  he  would  have  been  prefident  by 
fevcnty  againft  fixty-nine. 

When  two  parties  are  thus  minutely  polfed,  they 
fhould,  if  poliible,  fi")eak  about  each  other  with 
temper  and  decency.  Such  condut^  ought  elpccially 
to  be  expccHied  from  Mr.  Hamilton;  who  filled,  for 
about  feven  years,  one  of  the  firfh  offices  under  the 
federal  government.  An  idea  of  gravity  and  dig- 
nity is  annexed  to  fuch  a  ftation. 

Of  American  jacobins  ooir  ex-fccretary  fpeaks 
thus.  ''  The  moft  diretft  faliboods  are  invented  and 
*'  propagated,  with  undaunted  effrontery,  and  un- 
*'  relenting  pcrfeverance.  Lies,  often  detccT:ed  and 
"  refuted,  are  ftill  revived  and  repeated,  in  the 
^'  hope  that  the  refutation  may  have  been  forgotten, 
*'  or  that  the  frequency  and  boidnefs  of  accufation 
*'  may  fupply  the  place  of  truth  and  proof. — If  truly 
"  this  be,  as  every  appearance  indicates,  a  confpiracy 
'^  of  .vice  againfl  virtue,  ought  I  not  rather  to  be 


HI<?TORY©F    AMERICA,  91 

^'  Fxattered,  that  I  have  been  fo  long  and  £0  pecuii- 
"  arly  an  objc'fi:  of  pcrlecution*  r'' 

This  martyr  of  virtue,  this  exulting  objed:  of 
perfecution,  this  antagonifl  of  falfliood,  has  publifii- 
ed  ninety-three  pages  to  prove,  that  he  was  guilty 
of  conjugal  infidelity,  that  is  of  breaking  an  oath  ; 
for  the  latter  is  one  of  the  crimes  comprehended 
within  the  former.  This  is  the  man,  \vho,  at  the 
fame  moment,  has  the  hardiiiefs  to  announce  ''  a 
"  confpiracy  of  vice  againft  virtue."  Mr.  Hamil- 
ton fhould  fpeak  with  referve  as  to  the  faults  of 
others.  The  portrait  which  he  draws  of  American 
jacobins,  correfponds,  precifeiy,  with  the  publica- 
tions andmeafurcs  common,  though  not  univerfal, 
among  the  writers  and  leaders  of  the  federal  painty. 
No  man  has  plunged  farther  than  Mr.  Hamilton 
himfelf  into  the  ocean  of  calumn)^.  He  lliould, 
therefore,  be  one  of  the  laft  men  to  complain 
about  it. 

The  entire  form  and  effence.of  this  vindication 
isfo  viie,  fo  difgufting,  fo  grofsly  indecent,  that  one 
hardly  knows  either  how  to  tranfcribe  or  abridge 
it.     Some  of  the  principal  faiTts  are  as  follows. 

In  fummer,  179 1,  Maria,  the  wife  ox  James 
Reynolds,  waited  upon  Mr.  Hamilton  at  his  houfe 
in  Philadelphia.  8hc  told  him  that  her  hufoand 
had  treated  her  with  cruelty,  and  deferted  her ; 
that  her  relations  refided  in  the  ftateof  New- York, 
and  (he  folicited  money  to  pay  the  expence  of  re- 
turning to  them.  Mr.  Hamilton,  for  the  purpofe  of 
beftowing  charity,  paid  a  vifitto  Mrs.  Reynolds  at 
her  lodgings.  ''  She  met  me,  "  fays  he,  '^  and  con- 
*'  dueled  me  into  a  bed  room." 

''  After  this,"  adds  our  author,  '^  I  had  frequent 
*^  meetings  with  her,  mod  of  them  at  my  owj> 

*  Obfervations,  &c.  i>*  4* 


gt  SKETCHES    OF    THE- 

'^hoiife;  Mrs,  Hamilt 071^  with  her  children^  being 
*'  ahfent  on  a  vifit  to  her  father.^*  Observations, 
p.  1-8.  The  ex-fecrctary  might  have  fpared  the  ad- 
ditional offence  of  this  palliation.  If  he  had  really 
felt  that  reniorfe  and  (hame  to  which  he  pretends, 
Mr.  Hamilton  never  could  have  printed  this  lug- 
gage of  circumftances.  They  were  not  requifite  even 
to  '•  wipe  away  d.  more  Jerioiis  Jlain,^'  Observa- 
tions, p.  10.  Their  omiffion  could  not  have  im- 
paired the  force,  but  they  add  to  the  ignominy  of 
his  exculpation.  Mr.  Hamiltonmight  have  copied 
the  delicacy  of  the  painter,  who  cafh  a  veil  over  the 
face  of  Agaminenon,  to  conceal  what  it  was  impof- 
fible  to  exprefs. 

An  indignant  hufband  foon  makes  his  appearance  ; 
and  Mrs.  lleynolds,  in  a  letter  to  the  colonel,  fays 
that  he  had  Leefj  fwearing  he  would  write  to 
Mrs.  Hamilton.  This  was  in  December  1791. 
No.  IL  of  the  appendix  is  a  letter  from  the  hufband 
dcmanding/atisfacJion^  which  he  affirms  that  hcivill 
have,  ''before  one  day  paiTes  me  more."  In  No. 
IV*.  he  fays  ''  I  have  this  propofal  to  make  to  you. 
•'  Give  me  the  fum  of  one  thoufand  dollars.'* 
There  next  follow  two  receipts  for  this  money,  the 
one  for  fix  and  the  other  for  four  hundred  dollars. 
The  lady  was  unwilling  to  quit  fo  good  a  friend.  She 
addreffes  him  in  love  fiok  epiflles,  real  or  forged^ 
and  declares  that  till  he  fhall  vifit  her,  "  my  brealt 
*.'  will  be  the  feate  of  pain  and  woe.*' 

Reynolds  himfelf,  alfo,  writes  a  letter  to  the 
colonel,  dated  March  24th,  1792.  He  expatiates 
qn  his  own  good  nature  in  permitting  the  ex-fecre- 
tary's  vifits,  gives  hints  of  his  power  to  be  trouble- 
some, and  of  his  difpofition  to  oblige.  Some  other 
letterss  fucceed,  demanding  money.  They  had 
been  complied  with,  for  it  appears  by  No.  XV.  da- 
^ed  April  izth,  1792,  that   the  colonel  continued 


HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  ^^ 

his  vifits.  On  the  2d  of  May,  he  received  a  formal, 
prohibition  from  ever  feeing  the  lady  again.  ^'  I 
*'  was  in  hopes,"  fays  Reynolds,  "  that  it  would 
*'  ware  off,  but  I  find  their  is  no  hopes."  SoIii:itn- 
tions  for  money  follow.  The  two  hundred  dollars 
mentioned  by  Cllngman*  were  obtained  to  fit  up  a 
boarding  houfe.  The  laft  letter  is  dated  Augufl 
goth,  1792.  In  the  Observations  p.  9,  Mr,  Ha* 
milton  calls  this  an  amorous  connecfiion.  If  this 
account  be  true,  it  merited  a  coarfer  name. 

The  objed:  in  publifhing  this  correfpondence  is 
to  prove  that  the  conne^lion  betv/een  Reynolds 
and  the  ex-fecretary  did  not  refer  to  the  purchafc 
of  certificates,  but  to  the  charms  of  Mrs*  Reynolds. 

Yet  Mr*  Hamilton  and  his  friends  have  always 
enlarged  on  his  poverty.  The  fcale  of  expenc<* 
in  this  affair  difagrecs  with  that  fuppofition.  lu 
eighteen  months  Maria,  mufl  have  coft  him  at  leaO: 
about  eighteen  hundred  dollars.  The  expence  is  ex- 
travagant in  proportion  to  its  end.  It  revolts  againll* 
Jiis  well  known  character  for  economy.  He  fayi 
that  he  was  afraid  of  having  the  matter  known  to 
Mrs.  Hamilton.  Yet  in  her  abfencc,  he  had  frequent 
interviews  with  Mrs.  Reynolds  at  his  own  houjc>» 
This  betrays  but  fraall  regard  for  the  fecret.  ^-^  Ser- 
*'  vants,  have  ears,  as  well  as  other  people,"  fayg 
Slipflop.  It  appears,  likewife,  that  he  received  nu* 
mcrous  mefTages  and  letters  from  the  parties,  an4 
that  Reynolds  paid  him  feveral  viiits  at  his  houfe. 
All  this  discovers  little  attention  to  the  dread  of 
difclofure  ;  and  indeed  the  llory  was  well  enough 
known. 

Mr.  Hamilton  refls  much  upon  the  profligate 
charadler  of  the  parties,  and  the  improbability  of 
his  having  cntrufled  fuch  a  being  as  Reynolds  with 

♦  Documents,  No,  4, 


^4  SKETCHES    OF   THE 

his  fccrets  of  fpeculation.  But,  by  his  own  ac- 
count, he  cHd  commit  his  confidence  to  this  man, 
and  protra^ed  the  conned:ioi/ with  his  wife  during 
a  whole  year  after  he  had  been  menaced  with  a 
difcovery. 

His  pamphlet,  full  as  it  is  of  defiance  and  de- 
famation, puts  a  clofc  to  his  claims  for  fuperior  ve- 
racity. He  who  acknowledged  the  reality  of  fuch 
epildes,  could  feel  no  fcruple  to  forge  them,  1  he 
latter  fuppofition  is  as  favourable  as  the  former  to 
his  good  name.  He  fpeaks  much  about  his  attach- 
ment to  Mrs.  Hamilton,  while  he  fquandered  what 
was  due  to  his  family,  and  rambled,  as  he  pre- 
tends, for  eighteen  months  in  the  embraces  of  pol- 
lution. 

The  evidence  or  prefnmption  againfl  the  rfathen- 
ticity  of  the  letters  printed  by  Mr.  Hamilton  flands 
thus.  Reynolds  affirms,  that  Mr.  Hamilton  had  em- 
ployed him  as  an  agent  of  fpeculation.  This  the 
cx-fecretary  denies  ;  but,  their  probity  being  upon 
a  par,  we  know  not  which  of  them  to  believe.  Mrs. 
Reynolds  adds  her  teftimony,  as  to  the  belief  of 
{peculation,  and  fays,  that  the  correfpondence  and 
receipts  for  money,  fmce  publifiied  by  Mr.  Hamil- 
ton, were  fabricated  by  him  and  her  hufband*.  But 
jf  they  adually  were  £o^  it  remains  to  be  guelTed 
Tuky^  vjhen^  and  -where  they  were  compofed. 

On  this  hypothefis  we  are  to  believe  that  Mr. 
Hamilton,  on  the  motive  of  threats  from  Reynolds, 
and  of  his  being  viiited  in  pri'fon  by  MelFrs.  Muh- 
lenberg, Monroe,  and  Venable,  hafled  his  enlarge- 
ment. This  happened,  on  the  evening  of  Wednef- 
day,  the  12th  of  December,  1797.  The  interview 
between  Mr.  Hamilton  and  the  members  was  on 
the  evening  of  Saturday  following.    The   corref- 

*  Documents,  No.  V.  See  Hlftory  of  1796,  Chap.  VJ,   The  ^<^ 
lonel  has  reprinted  the  other  papers,  but  leaves  out  No,  V, 


HISTORY    OF   AMERICaA  9^ 

^ondcnce  muft  have  been  framed  in  the  interval ; 
and  a  day  or  a  few  hours  were  fufficient  for  that 
eifca. 

in  No.  IV.  Clingman,  fays,  that  Reynolds,  on 
the  night  of  his  liberation,  fent  a  mellage  to  Mr. 
Hamilton,  and  by  deilre  waited  "on  him  on  Thurfday 
morning.  In  No.  V.  he  relates  fonie  particulars, 
which,  according  to  his  account  from  Reynolds^ 
pad  at  this  interview.  Clingnian,  in  a  pofl-fcript 
to  No.  V.  fays,  that,  as  Mrs.  Reynolds  alTured  him, 
the  letters  wtvt  fabricated  by  her  hujband  and  Air, 
Hamilton*  The  latter,  in  this  publication,  takes  no 
notice  of  the  allegation  byClingman,  that //d*,  (Mr. 
Hamilton)  Jaiv  Reynolds  after  his  enlargement.  He 
ought,  in  confiflency  to  have  denied  it.  But  he  had 
already  owned  the  fac^  to  the  three  members. 
Mr.  Hamilton,  a  rake,  and  Mr.  Reynolds,  a  fwin- 
dler,  alternately  give  each  other  the  lie.  The  pro- 
bability of  untruth  and  fraud  upon  each  fide  is 
fo  great,  that  it  is  impradlicable  to  determine  be- 
tween them*. 

In  the  appendix,  No.  XXXIII.  we  meet  with  a 
letter  to  Mr.  Hamilton,  from  Mcffrs.  Muhlenberg 
and  Monroe,  dated  17th  of  July,  1797,  whereia 
they  write  thus:  "  the  explanation  of  the  nature 
\^  of  your  connection  with  Reynolds,  which  you 
"  then  gave,  removed  the  fufpicion^  we  had  before 
"  entertained  of  your  being  connected  with  him  iii 
*^  fpeculation.''  There  is  another  from  Mr.  Vena- 
ble  to  the  fame  effecl.  The  ex-fccretary  rells  much 
upon  this  admidion.  But  every  other  peribn  is  now 
equally  well  qualified  with  thefe  gentlemen  to  judge 
of  the  evidence  ;  io  that  this  is  nothing  more  than 
the  opinion  of  three  individuals. 

*  In  the  Hiftory  of  1796,  it  is  faid,  by  miftake,  tliat  Mr.  Hamil- 
ton received  a  copy  of  the  whole  documents  therein  puhlillied. 
From  the  Obfervations  it  comes  out,  that  he  never  faw  Ko,  V.  till  i« 
ptint. 


|6  SKETCHES   0|f   f  Hfi 

Yet  even  their  opinion  is  unfortunately  mutila* 
ted.  Mr.  Hamilton  has  printed  thirteen  letters 
that  pafTed  between  himfelf  and  Mr.  Monroe.  From 
thefe  it  appears  that  Mr.  Monroe  ftill  entertained 
confiderable  doubts.  They  were  grounded  on  the 
information  given  by  Clingman,  which  clofcs  No. 
V,  and  bears  date  the  2d  of  January,  1793.  ^^ 
one  letter  Mr,  Monroe  fays,  "  whether  the  im> 
''  putations  againfl  you  as  to  fpeculation,  are  well 
**  or  ill  founded,  depends  upon  the  fa^fls  and  cir- 
*'  cumftances,  which  appear  againft  you  upon  your 
"  defence.  If  you  (hew  that  they  are  ill  founded, 
*'  I  fliall  be  contented."  Mr.  Hamilton,  in  a  fuc- 
ceeding  letter,  writes  thus:  ''  the  refult  in  my  mind 
*'  is,  that  you  have  been  and  are  aifluated  by  mo- 
*'  tives  towards  me  malignant  and  diflionourahle,^^ 
The  parties  wrote  on  till  they  were  at  the  point  of 
fighting  a  duel.  The  fecond  clafs  of  doubts  excited 
in  Mr.  Monroe,  by  Clingman,  as  to  the  innocence 
of  the  ex-iecretary,  did  not  take  place  till  fome 
weeks  after  the  three  members  had  received  the 
explanation  from  Mr.  Hamilton.  The  one  circum- 
ftance  happened  on  the  15th  of  December,  1792, 
and,  the  other  on  the  2d  of  January  thereafter. 
Now,  the  exculpatory  letters  from  the  three  mem- 
bers refer  to  nothing  fubfequent  to  the  former  date  ; 
and  as  the  fufpicions  of  Mr.  Monroe  were  revived 
by  Clingman,  it  is  natural  to  imagine  that  thofe  of 
MefTrs.  Muhlenbero-  and  Venable  were  likewife  ex- 
cited.  Whether  this  was  the  cafe,  or  not,  appears 
of  little  confequence,  unlefs,  becaufe  it  fhews  the 
very  Hippery  nature  of  the  vindication  derived 
from  them.  If  this  was  the  bed  defence  which 
they  would  give  to  Mr.  Hamilton,  he  has  but  fcan- 
ty  room  for  triumph. 

The-eolonei  dwells,  with  much  complacency,  oti 
bis  awn  tranfcendant  dignity   of  charader.  "It  is 


HISTORY   OV   AMERICA.  9^ 

"  morally  impofTible/'  fays  he,  "  I  fhould  have 
"  been  foolifh  as  well  as  depraved  eiioughto  em- 
*'  ploy  fo  vile  an  inftrument  as  Reynolds  for  fuch 
''  infignificant  ends,  as  are  indicated  by  different 
''  parts  of  the  flory  itfelf.  **  Observations,  p- 
10.  The  ends  alledged  v^^ere,  fpeculation  to  the 
extent  of  thirty  thoufand  dollars.  Mr*  Hamilton 
pretends  that  he  employed  Reynolds  as  a  conveni- 
ent hufband*  This  end  was  infinitely  more  infig- 
nificant than  the  other  ;  fo  that  the  inference  in  the 
above  paffage  evidently  contradid:s  the  fai^. 

On  p.  13,  he  fpeaks  of  the  general  improbablli" 
^'  ty,  that  I  fliould  put  myfelf  upon  paper  with  fo 
''  defpicable  a  perfon,  on  a  fubjecl  which  might  ex- 
*'  pofe  me  to  infamy.  *^  The  improbability  has  ad:u- 
ally  been  fulfilled. 

^'  As  to  the  difappearancc  of  the  parties  after  the 
''  liberation,  how  am  I  anfwerable  for  it  ?  Is  it  not 
'^  prefumable,  that  the  inftance  difcovered  at  the 
"  treafury  was  not  the  only  offence  of  the  kind  of 
^^  ivhich  they  -vOere  guilty  f  After  one  detection,  is 
*'  it  not  very  probable  that  Reynolds  fled  to  avoid 
*'  dete(fi:ion  in  other  cafes  ? — Pveynolds  was  confide- 
*'  rably  in  debt.  What  more  natural  for  him  than 
'' to  fly   from  his  creditors  ? ^'  Observations,  p. 

35.  ''  Could  it  be  expe^^ed  that  I  fhould  fo  debafe 
^'  myfelf  as  to  think  it  ncceffary  to  my  vindication 
'^  to  be  confronted  with  a  perfon  fuch  as  Reynolds  I 
"  Could  I  have  borne  to  fuffer  my  veracity  to  be 
*'  expofed  to  the  humiliating  competition  I  "  Ibid  p* 

36.  This  tone  does  not  become  Mr.  Hamilton. 
People  of  regular  morals,  think  that  the  profligate, 
who  debauches  another  man's  wife,  cannot  he  degra- 
ded by  confronting  her  hufband. 

As  to  the  difappearance  of  Reynolds,  afler  his 
enlargement,  Mr.  Hamilton  has  not  even  offered 
to  deny  the  having  feen  him  privately  on  the  fac- 

N 


^8  SKETCHES    OF    THE 

ceeding  day  at  his  own  hoiife.  In  No.  V.  of  the 
docunhents,  he  owned  to  the  three  members  of  con- 
grefs,  "  that  he  had  received  a  note  from  Reynolds 
^'  in  the  nighty  at  the  time  dated  in  Clingman^s  pa- 
"  per,  and  that  he  had  likewife  feen  him  in  the-^ 
"  7norning  folloivingy  This  looks  fomewhat  myC- 
terious.  The  difmiilion  of  Reynolds  fiom  prilon, 
M'ithout  trial,  remains  to  find  a  decent  apology ;  but, 
if  it  was  prefumable  that  he  had  been  guilty  of  other 
and  fjmilar  olFences,  this  highly  aggravated  the  im- 
propriety of  difcharging  him.  As  to  his  running 
away  for  debt,  there  does  net  appear  any  particular 
reafon  for  thinking  that  he  fled  on  this  account. 
P^evnolds,  in  his  torn  letter  to  Clino-man,  (5-ave  a 
more  natural  and  limple  account  of  his  intended 
difappearance.  ''  He  has  offered  to  furnifli  me  and 
^'  Mr§.  Reynolds  with  money  to  carry  us  off.  If  I 
*^  will  go,  he  will  fee  that  fhe  has  money  to  follow 
"  me»^^  The  word  he  can  refer  only  to  Mr.  Ha- 
milton, •U'hich  is  clear  from  the  reft  of  the  letter. 
He  was  writing  in  full  coniidence  to  Clingman,  and 
could  have  no  imaginable  reafon  to  frame  a  fi(5lion. 
The  confronting  of  R.eynolds  with  Hamilton, 
before  the  three  members  of  congrefs,  would  have 
been  more  fatisfadrory  to  them  than  the  produdion 
of  any  papers.  Refides,  although  our  ex-fecrctary 
profefTes  fuch  difdain  of  being  placed  in  a  ftate  of 
comparifon  with  him,  yet  the  inftinclive  indigna- 
tion of  innocence,  would  have  prompted  moft  peo- 
ple, to  drag  forward  fo  perfidious  an  accufer  ;  and, 
in  prefence  of  the  gentlemen,  to  have  extorted  a 
confefiion  of  his  fraud.  7  he  fame  fliynefs  of  ap- 
pealing to  the  original  parties,  appears  in  this  pam- 
phlet. Clingman  and  the  lady  have  been  married. 
They  refide,  now  at  Alexandria.  Reynolds  himfelf 
lives,  it  is  faid,  in  New- York.  If  the  letters  pub- 
Jifued  by  Mr.  Hamilton  in  the  name  of  Maria  arc 


HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  99 

genuine,  it  would  be  very  eafy  to  obtain  her  attei- 
tation  of  the  facTt.  A  juflice  of  peace,  at  Alexandria, 
could  difpatch  the  bufinefs  in  half  an  hour.  She 
could  be  direi^cd  to  give  afample  of  her  hand ;  and, 
by  comparing  this  with  the  letters,  it  would  be  af- 
certained  whether  or  not  they  really  came  from  her 
peq.    But  Gamillus  dares  not  to  meet  this  tell. 

Indead  of  fuch  an  obvious  aud  deciGve  elucida- 
tion, Mr.  Hamilton*  brings  forward  Mary, Willi- 
ams, keeper  of  a  boarding  houfe  in  Philadelphia. 
This  woman  fvvears,  that  Hie  is  well  acquainted  with 
the  hand  writing  of  Mrs.  Reynolds,  and  that  (lie  is 
well /atis/ied  of  the  letievs  being  genuine.  She  gives 
no  particulars  of  her  acquaintance  with  Mrs.  Rey- 
nolds, except  the  declining  to  admit  of  her  as  a  lod- 
ger. This  is  as  lame  a  kind  of  evidence  as  can  well 
be  conceived".  Why  not  appeal  to  the  ladyherfelf, 
in  place  of  fiich  a  circuitous  method? 

Thefe  letters  from  Mrs.  Reynolds  are  badly  fpelt 
and  pointed.  Capitals,  alfo,  occur  even  inthemidll 
of  words.  But  waving  fuch  excrefcences,  the 
flile  is  pathetic  and  even  elegant.  It  does  not  bear  the 
marks  of  an  illiterate  writer.  The  conilruftion  of 
the  periods  difagrees  with  this  apparent  incapa- 
city of  fpelling.  The  officer  who  can  marfiiail  a 
regiment,  mufl  know  how  to  level  a  mufquet.  A 
few  grofs  blunders  are  interfperfed,  and  thefe 
could  readily  be  devifed ;  but,  when  ftript  ofluch 
a  veil,  the  body  of  the  compofition  is  pure  and  cor- 
real. In  the  literary  world,  fabrications  of  this  na- 
ture have  been  frequent.  Our  ex-fecretary  admits 
that  he  has  been  in  the  habit  of  writing  to  this  fa- 
mily in  a  feigned  character.  The  tranOtion  was. 
eafy  to  the  writing  in  a  feigned  flile.  Mrs.  Rey- 
nolds herfdf  may  have  wrote  thefe  epiflles  from 

*' Appendix,  Ko,  XLI, 


100  SKETCHES    OF    THE 

the  dicflating  of  the  colonel ;  for  ''  the  variety  of 
^'  fhapes  which  this  woman  could  alTume  was  end- 
^'  lefs*/'  It  is  natural,  then,  to  fufpea,  that  fhe  real- 
ly may  have  afted  that  part.  But  if  the  colonel  is 
not  afraid  of  her  fpringing  a  leak  in  the  bottom  of 
his  tale,  why  does  he  avoid  her  teftiraony,  and  try 
to  divert  our  attention  by  the  prattle  of  Mary  Wil- 
liams I 

But  even  admitting  that  the  love  letters  and 
others  were  genuine,  this  does  not  take  away  the 
probability  of  a  fwindling  connection  between  Rey- 
nolds and  Hamilton.  The  way  in  which  the  colo- 
xiel  and  Maria  became  acquainted  refls  on  the  fm- 
gle  evidence  of  himfelf,  Reynolds  does  not  ap- 
pear to  have  dropped  to  Clingman  even  a  hint  of  in- 
continency,  Mrs.  Reynolds!  told  the  three  mem- 
bers of  congrefs  that  Ihe  had  burned  a  confidera- 
ble  number  of  letters  from  Mr.  HaxiiJlton  to  her 
liufhand.  The  dread  that  her  depofition  mayftum- 
ble  upon  this  fadl,  appears  the  only  reafon  why  the 
colonel  chufes    to  keep  her  out  of  the  way. 

Hence,  if  the  Jetters  from  Mrs.  Reynolds  are  in 
her  hand  writing,  this  does  not  prove  that  they  were 
the  real  effufions  of  a  libidinous  correfpondence. 
If  that  correfpondence  had  a  being,  it  does  not 
deftroy  the  poflibility  of  another,  of  a  quite  dif- 
ferent fort,  between  the  colonel  and  the  hulband. 
Speculation  in  June  may  well  cenfifl  with  adul- 
tery in  December.  The  whole  proof  in  this  pam- 
phlet refts  upon  an  allufion.  "  I  am  a  rake,  and 
*'  for  that  reafon  I  cannot  be  a  fwindler.  I  con- 
^'  fefs  that  I  ftole  a  horfe  j  but,  if  you  fay  that  I 
^'  ftole  a  cow,  I  fcorn  to  be  confionted  with  my 
♦^  accufers."  This  is  an  edifying  and  convenient 
fpecies  of  logic.     Both  Reynolds  and  his  lady  af^ 

*  Olpfemtionsi  p.  ^r,  +  Documents,  No,  III, 


HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  loj 

iirm  that  there  was  a  fpeculation,  and  until  they 
uadergo  a  thorough  examination,  before  fbme  pro- 
per authority,  the  doubt  never  can  be  refolved. 
Under  fuch  circumftances,  it  wasproper  that  Mr. 
Monroe  Ihould  fufpend  his  judgment. 

Mr.  Hamilton  fays*",  that,  during  his  difcuflion 
with  the  three  members,  he  difcovered  nofymptom, 
different  from  that  oi  a  proud  conjcioiiffiejs  of  kinc-- 
tence^  What  pride,  what  confcious  innocence,  any 
man  could  feel,  in  the  mi  all  of  fuch  an  acknow- 
ledgment, the  reader  is  left  to  judge. 

Thus  much  for  the  main  points  in  Mr.  Hamil- 
ton's piece.  A  fewepifodes  remain  to  be  handled. 
It  now  comes  out  that  the  improper  communica- 
tions from  the  treafury  office  to  Reynolds  and  Cling- 
man  were  made  by  Fraunces^  a  clerk  therein • 
This  man  afterwards  prefented  a  memorial  to 
congrefs  arraigning  Mr.  Hamilton.  His  charge 
was  rejected  as  groundlefs.  In  a  note,  the  ex- 
fecretary  adds,  "*  would  it  be  believed,  after  all 
"^  this,  that  Mr.  Jeiferfon,  vice-prefident  of  the 
''•  United  States,  would  wi'ite  to  this  Fraunces 
*'  friendly  letters  .^  Yet  fuch  is  the  fa(^. ''  In  the 
appendix,  we  find  thefe  alarming  epiflles.  Obferve 
now,  to  what  a  deftitution  of  materials  the  ene- 
mies of  Thomas  Jeiferfon  are  reduced!  The  firfl: 
letter,  dated  June  27th,  1797,  muft  have  been  in 
anfwer  to  fome  requefl  for  money.  '^  I  fhail  not 
'^  have  one  dollar  to  fpare,^^  fays  the  vice-prefident. 
Arnother,  dated  next  day,  refufes  a  certificate  of 
character.  This  is  the  wonderful  friendfhip  fo  fliock- 
ing  to  the  nerves  of  our  iifcal  Atlas !  The  letters  are, 
in  themfelves,  entirely  unimportant.  Theyhavouo 
reference  to  any  part  of  the  ex-fecretary^s  budget. 
In  what  way  he  got  them,  or  for  what  reafon  ho 

^  Obfervationsa  p.  8. 


ro2  SKETCHES    OF    THE 

printecl  them,  is  yet  to  be  told.  They  cannot  lefTen, 
by  the  value  of  one  cent,  the  reputation  of  our  vice- 
prefident.  If  this  correlpondence  is  one  of  the  great- 
eft  faults  in  Mr.  JelTerfon  which  hatr^ed  can  difco- 
ver,  and  fury  reveal,  he  enjoys  thepurefl  charafter 
which  has  adorned  hiilory.  But  flnce  Hamilton 
fpeal^s  of  difreputable  correfpondcnce,  we  may  re- 
mind him  of  that  which  he  fupported,  for  a  twelve 
month,  with  Mr.  P^eynolds,  and  of  his  crouching 
under  the  menaces  of  this  precious  agent*.  If  any 
thing,  within  one  million  of  degrees  of  fuch  dii- 
grace,  can  be  fixed  on  Mr.  Jcfferfon,  pray  let  us 
hear  it;  for,  in  that  lexicon  of  lies  and  calumnies, 
printed  by  our  Portugucfe  ambaffador,  Dr.  Smith, 
hardly  one  article,  granting  it  to  be  true,  has  the 
veilige  of  common  fenfe. 

Iijftead  of  inveighing  againdthe  republican  party, 
as  propagators  of  flander,  Mr.  Hamilton  ought  to 
thank  them  for  a  degree  of  forbearance  and  deli- 
cacy of  which  his  friends  have  very  feldom  fet  an 
example.  During  the  time  of  this  connexion,  it  w^as 
known  to  many  members  of  congrefs.  If  any  repub- 
lican chara^Tfcer  had  been  the  hero  of  the  ftory,  it 
would  infallibly  have  been  echoed  from  one  end  of 
the  continent  to  the  other*  Yet  that  party,  with 
much  good  nature,  obferved  profound  filence.  Mr. 
.Jefferfon  had  received  a  copy  of  thefe  documents. 
He  never  (hewed  them,  nor  ever  fpoke  of  them,  tQ 
any  perfon.  In  fummer,  1797,  when  the  vice-pre- 
fident  heard  of  the  intended  publication,,  he  advifed 
that  the  papers  fhould  be  fupprefied.  Benevolence 
could  not  go  farther,  but  his  interpofition  came  too 

*  "  Mrs.  Reynolds,  more  than  once,  communicated  to  me,  that 
^*  Reynolds  would  occafionally  rt  lapfe  into  difcontent  at  Mx^fituatm  ;■ 
•"^  would  treat  her  very  ill,  hint  at  tlie  afiafTination  of  me,  and  more 
<«  openly  threatcn,oby  nay  of  revenge,  to  inform  Mrs.  Hamilton*'* 

Obfervations,  p.  15. 


HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  lo; 

late.  Mr.  Hamilton  well  knew  that  Mr.  Jefferfon 
was  mailer  of  his  fccret,  and  had  kept  it ;  and  yet 
he  took  the  opportunity  of  this  pamphlet  to  attack 
his  benefatT:or's  reputation.  If  the  papers  had  been 
printed  four  years  fooner,  the  befl  effeds  might 
have  eniued  to  America,  for  the  prefidcnt  would 
undoubtedly  have  difmifled  Camillus. 

Qiiitttng  thefe  two  letters  from  Jefferron  to  Fraun- 
ces,  we  come  to  the  offence  for  which  Reynolds 
was  imprifoned,  and  the  caufes  for  which  he  was 
difcharged.  Mr.  Wolcott^"  fays,  that  Reynolds 
and  Clingman  were  profecuted  for  h?iViv\gJuborned 
a  perjon  to  commit  perjury.  After  the  profccution 
commenced,  Clingman  confciled  that  he  and  Rey- 
nolds had  lifts  of  the  names  and  Turns  due  to  cer- 
tain creditors  of  the  United  States,  and  which  had 
been  obtained  from  a  clerk  in  the  treafury,  with  a 
view  to  the  forgery  of  warrants  on  it,  in  the 
name  of  fuch  creditors.  As  to  the  name  of  this 
clerk,  Hamilton,  in  No.  V,  intimated  to  the  mem- 
bers that  it  w^as  Duer.  But  Wolcottt  atHrms,  that 
Duer  had  no  concern  with  it.  Thus,  the  two  gen- 
tlemen contradid  each  other,  and  on  a  point  which 
mufl  have  been  equally  well  known  to  both.  Mr. 
Wolcott  explains  the  reafon  for  withdrawing  the  jf] 

profecution,  w^iich  was,  that  the  offenders  gave  up 
the  lifts  of  creditors  obtained  fnom  the  treafury, 
and  told  the  name  of  the  unfaithful  clerk.  This 
he  calls  "  an  important  difcovery,"  As  for  deli- 
vering the  lifts,  thefe  were  only  copies,  and  not 
original  papers.  It  was  quite  eafy  for  the  parties 
to  keep  other  copies,  and  proceed  to  fabricate 
warrants  ;  indeed  they  might  vvithhold  and  conceal 
part  of  the  very  lifts  which  they  had  got  from  the 
treafury. 

•  Appendix  No.  XXIV.  f  Ibi^. 


% 


104  v^KErettES    OF   THIS 

Mr.   Hamilton,  fpeaking  of  this  dirmiflion,  faysj> 
*'  it  was  certainly  of  more  confequence  to  the  peb- 
^'  lie  to  deteft  and  expel  from  the   bofom  of  the 
*'  treafury  department,  an  uilfaithful  clerk,  to  pre- 
''  vent  future  and  extenfive  milchief,  than  to  dif- 
^*  grace  and  punifti  twp  worthlefs  individuals/* — 
Observations,  p.  34.  But  the  ex-fecretary  fliould 
have  proved  that  the  difmiffion  of  the  one  was  ne- 
cefFary  towards  the  difcovery  of  the  other ;  and 
this  he  has  not  done.   "  The  culprits  were  compel- 
,*^  led  to  give  a  real  and  fuhflantial equivaknt  for  the 
*^  relief  which  they  obtained  from  a  department 
*'  ever  which  I prejided'^  Ibid.    The  fubftantiaiity 
is  very  doubtful.  As  for  prefidi72g^  the  comptroller 
is  independent.  Either  Mrs.  Reynolds  was  the  real 
and  ultimate  caufe  of  this  difcharge,  or  it  refuited 
from  fome  invifible  machinery,  which  the  movers 
do   not  chufe  to  bring  forward.    It  revolts  againfc 
propriety,  and  the   official  judgment  of  Mr.  Wol-» 
cott,  to  fay,  that  he  would  difmifs  two  criminals  for 
fo  trifling  a  reafon.  Clingman,  of  himlelf,  confefTed 
♦o  Wolcott,  the  affair  of  the  ftolen  lifts  of  namer, 
from  the  treafury.  From  the  certificate  of  the  lat- 
ter'*, it  is  to  be  underftood,  that  he  made  the  con- 
felTion,  unfoli cited,  and  even  unfufpei^ed.  But  adds 
the   comptroller,   "  both  Clingman  and  Reynolds 
*'  obftinately  refufed,  for  fometimc,  to  deliver  up 
'■^  the  lifts,  or  to   difclofe  the  name  of  the  perfon 
^^  through  whofe  infidelity  they  had  been  obtain- 
*'  ed."  All  this  muft  clearly  be  a  ftiam.    The  cul- 
prits were  under   profecution  fc-r   another   crime, 
the   fubornation  of  perjury.    Their  defpair  is  evi- 
dent, from  the  voluntary  confefiion  of  Clingman. 
The  delivery  of  the  lifts,  and  the  difclofure  of  the 
name  of  their  affociate,  were  matters  of  courfe. 

♦  Appendix,  No.  XXIV. 


HISTORY    OF    AMERICA,  105 

The  comptroller  had  only  to  proceed  with  his  fuit, 
and  could,  at  any  period,  havcenfared  the  promul- 
gation of  every  fecret  which  they  had.  When  a 
public  officer,  like  Mr,  Wolcott,  conjures  up  an 
abfurd  excuie  for  having  deferted  his  duty,  thofe 
who  pay  his  falary  have  a  right  to  criticife  him. 
Mr.  Wolcott  difmiiTcd,  with  impunity,  two  offen- 
ders that,  as  he  fays,  he  might  reach  Frauiices,  a 
clerk  in  the  treafury.  Had  the  comptroller  been 
a  boy  or  a  fool,  reafon  might  have  Imiled  at  his 
frivolity  of  triumph.  But  fince  he  is  a  man  of  long 
experience  in  bufinefs,  and  free  from  the  fallies 
of  a  florid  imagination,  it  is  juft  to  infer  that  fome- 
thing  deeper  than  vanity  lies  at  the  bottom  of  the 
pool. 

Other  fiaffages  in  this  pamphlet  might  admit  of 
remark,  but  the  above  appears  to  be  a  fufficient 
ipecimen.  The  arguments  and  the  teflimony  pro- 
duced by  our  ex-fecretary  are  alike  unfatisfaclory. 
fie  lays  much  v/eight  upon  the  purity  and  elevation 
of  his  perfonai  charadrer.  His  own  performance 
explodes  it.  He  triumphs  in  an  exculpation  from 
the  three  members  of  congrefs.  Yet,  as  to  MefTrs% 
Monroe  and  Muhlenberg,  his  auxiliary  writerr> 
conftantly  reprefent  them  as  traitors  to  their  coun- 
try. According  to  Mr.  Hamilton's  own  defcrip-* 
tion  of  jacobins,  they  mufi;  be  the  vilefb  of  mankind  | 
and  their  atteflation  can  defervc  no  credit  what- 
ever; but  yet  it  fills  him  with  pride.  An  impar- 
tial by  lliander  might  addrefs  him  thus* 

"  If  Muhlenberg,  and  his  two  friends,  are  the  fire- 
*'.  brands  of  fadion,  which  you  reprefent  them  to 
"  be,  then  it  was  unworthy  of  your  innocjence  to 
"  aflc  a  vindication  from  them.  The  oak  does  not 
*'  lean  upon  the  bramble ;  nor  flrength  court  the 
'*  protediion  of  weaknefs.  But  fmce  you  have  ap- 
"  pealed  to  thefe  gentlemen,  ia  defence  of  yoijir 

O 


i66  SKETCHES    O^   THE 

'*'  characfber,  you  betray  an  evident  confcioufners 
*'  that  tliey  have  a  characler  to  lofe.  This  earnefl 
'*  recourie  to  their  honour  difcovers  that  you  dif^ 
**  believe  youf  own  general  portrait  of  jacobins  ; 
*'  and  the  peculiar  reproaches  that  your  Icribblers 
*'  have  poured  on  MeiFrs.  Miihienbeig  and  Monroe. 
**  A  veilal  does  not  prop  her  purity  by  the  evidence 
'*  of  a  bawd  ;  nor  a  Sully  v^afii  his  hands  while 
*'  Cartouche  holds  the  balbn.  You  arraign  thefe 
**  men'  as  calumniators  ;  and,  on  the  fame  page, 
*'  you  refer  to  their  veracity  in  defence  of  yours. 
''  This  is  a  contradiclion.  You  placed  yourielf  in 
*'  a  delicate  fituation.  If  they  had  refufed,  as  they 
*'  vrell  might  have  done,  to  take  notice  of  your  ap- 
"  plication,  your  fame  was,  by  your  own  arrange- 
**  ment,  in  a  dangerous  way.  The  confidence  that 
**  you  repofed  in  them,  and  the  alacrity  which,  in 
*'  fpite  of  ail  provocations,  they  have  manifefted  to 
*'  ferve  you,  refute  your  clamours  againfb  them. 
"'  The  firfl  itep  in  fupport  of  your  fame,  fixes  you 
*'  in  deterred  calumny. 

*'  You  give  an  infufficient  reafon,  for  the  releafc 
*'  of  Reynolds  from  jail.  .You  received  avifit  from 
*'  him  before  fanrife  on  the  enfuing  morning.  He 
*'  then  difappeared  ;  and  when  the  three  gentlemen 
**  waited  on  you  refpecling  his  accufations,  you  tell 
*'  a  long  hiftory  of  an  intrigue,  and  produce  a  bun- 
"  die  of  letters  concerning  it*  That  they  are  the 
*^  real  hand  writing  of  the  parties  we  h^ve  no  proof 
**  but  your  word,  and  a  depofition  from  thcmillrefs 
**  of  a  bonrding-houfe.  On  the  contrary,  Reynolds 
*'  never  fpoke  to  Clingman  of  anything  but  fyecu- 
*'  lation.  His  w.'fe  addsJ  her  fufpicion  ;  and  affirms, 
'*  that  the  love  epillles,  and  receipts  for  money, 
*'  are  a  fabrication  by  her  hufband  and  you.  The 
*'  whole  collet^ion  would  not  have  required  above 
"  an  evening  to  write  them.  At  the  dillance  of  four 


HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  lo? 

"  yc'dYZ  and  an  half,  and  when  warned  and  chaU 
*'  ienged  to  produce  the  parties  themlelves,  you  ftill 
*'  avoid  a  perfonal  reference.  You  Ipeak  as  if  it  was 
*"*  impoffible  to  invent  a  fevj  letters.  Yet,  upon  this 
•'  very  bufineis,  you  wrote  in  a  feigned  hand.  And 
'*'"  what  is  your  molehill  appendix,  altogether,  to  the 
*'  gigantic  fabrications  of  Pfalmanazar  and  of  Chat- 
"  terton  ?  Send  for  the  lady,  or  pay  her  a  vifit.  Take 
**  her  before  a  magiilrate,  and  let  us  hear  v/hat  flie 
*'  has  to  fay.  Your  avoiding  a  public  meeting  with 
"  her,  holds  out  a  llrong  prefumption  of  her  inno- 
"  cence.  Try,  alfo,  to  find  out  Reynolds.  Never 
"  pretend  that  youfcorn  to  confront  accufers.  'I'he 
"  world  will  believe  that  vou  dare  not.^' 

To  this  addrefs  the  ex-fecretary  v/ouid  bepuzzled 
to  make  a  found  anfwer.  Some  of  his  friends  are 
lefs  fore  than  he  is  on  the  fa bjefl  of  fpeculation. 
In  fpring,  1794,  commodore  Giilon,  replying,  in 
congrefs,  to  Dr.  William  Smith,  faid,  "  what  makes 
"  the  gentleman  angry  ?  Did  I  fpeak  a  word  of  pilot 
^^  boats  f  The  doilor  pocketed  this  hint,  which 
was  equally  well  underftood  by  every  man  in  the 
houfe.  Dr.  Smith  has  always  been  among  the  fore- 
moft  in  the  battles  of  the  exTecretary  ;  and  no  fac^t 
is  beter  believed,  than  that  many  others  of  the  fe- 
deral members  did  fpeculate  in  certificates  to  the 
amount  of  millions.  Of  this  party,  Mr.  Hamilton 
was  the  centre  and  th©  foul.  He  not  merely  plan- 
ned, but  diclated  their  meafures;  a  circumflancc 
eflabliQied  by  the  uniform  correfpondence  between 
his  reports  and  the  flatute  book  of  the  firfl:  and  fe- 
cond  congrefs.  Now,  if  he  really  did  not  touch  a 
cent  of  their  earnings,  ftill  he  muft  own  that  he 
kept  forry  company.  If  Mr.  Hamilton  fhook  from 
about  his  ears  the  golden  fhower,  and  trampled 
imder  foot  the  wages  of  fpeculation.  he  can  be  i\Q^ 
.thing  lefs  than  a  fecond  AbdicL 


1^8  SKETCHES    OF    THE 

"  Of  all  the  vile  attempts  Vv/hich  have  been  made 
^'  to  injure  my  character,"  fays  Mr.  Hamilton, 
^'  that  which  has  been  lately  revived  in  No  V.  and 
"  VI.  of  the  Hiflory  of  the  United  States,  for  1796, 
''  is  the  moft  vile, — A  jiiH:  pride,  with  reluiflance 
"  ftoops  to  a  formal  vindication  againfl  fo  defpica- 
^^*  hie  a  contrivance,  and  is  inclined  rather  to  op- 
^ '  pofe  to  it  the  uniform  evidence  of  a?i  upright  clia- 
^'  raCier. 

^'  This  would  be  my  conduct  on  the  prefent  oc- 
"  cafion,  did  not  the  tale  derive  fome  fanction  from 
*'  the  names  of  three  men  of  fome  weight  and  con« 
''  fequence.^^  Observations,  p.  9. 

As  for  the  vilenefs  of  the  atte?npt^  &c.  it  is  as  fair 
as  an}^  thing  can  be.  In  committing  the  documents 
to  prefs,  the  publiflier  exercifed  a  right  and  a  duty. 
It  did  not  appear,  from  any  thing  on  the  face  of 
thefe  papers,  that  the  three  gentlemen  were  fatis- 
iied  with  Mr.  Hamilton's  explanation.  And  he  knew 
that  they  were  not  unanimous  in  the  acquittal.  The 
enquiry  was  a  public  concern,  and  the  public  were 
entitled  to  judge  for  themielves. 

With  regard  to  uniform  uprightnefs  of  charaCiery 
there  is  no  man  in  America,  whofe  good  name  has 
encountered  fuch  violent  oppofition  as  that  of  Mr. 
Hamilton.  If  he  is  to  anfwer  ev^ery  charge  againfl 
him,  that  has  been  made  on  refpe<n:able  authority, 
this  piece  does  not  complete  the  tafl^.  Mr.  Findley,  in 
his  Hiflory  of  the  W^eftern  Infurrecflion,  has  urged 
many  accufations,  as  bad  as  that  of  jobbing  in  cer- 
tificates. The  following  are  two  inftances.  Mr.  Ha- 
milton has  not  attempted  to  deny  any  part  of  them. 

The  commander  of  the  army  lodged  for  fome 
time  in  the  houfe  of  major  Powers,  about  thirty 
miles  from  the  town  of  Washington.  This  man  had 
been  acSlive  in  promoting  a  fettlement.  ''  His  fer- 
\'-  vices  were  acknowledged,  while  head-quarter^ 


HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  ic^ 

^'  were  at  his  houfe,  and  he  was  paid  a  larger  funi 
■ '  than  he  demanded,  for  his  trouble  and  ex- 
"  pences*." 

Sornetime  after  this  payment,  Mr.  Hamilton  fent 
for  major  Powers  to  Wafhington.  He  then  exaaiin- 
ed  him  concerning  the  condud:  of  Albert  Gallatin^, 
andof  fome  other  perfons  with  whom  the  major  was 
not  even  acquainted.  The  anfwers  were  uniatisfac- 
tory,  and  an  ofiicei'  was  ordered  to  condu<ft  him  into 
another  apartment, where  he  might,  for  an  hour,  re,- 
freili  his  memory.  He  was  thrufl  into  a  room,  am^ong 
a  croud  of  prifoners,  under  the  point  of  the  bayonet. 
When  called  out  again,  he  told  Mr.  Hamilton  that 
he  had  nothing  farther  to  recollect.  The  fecretary 
reproved  him  infevere  terms  for  coficealing  truth. 
He  was  immediately  committed  a  clofe  prlfoner. 
The  bell:  bail  was  offered  for  his  appearance  and 
refufed.  The  military  conducted  him  to  PittilDurg 
and  kept  him  in  cuflody  till  the  eighth  day.  Mr/ 
Hamilton  being  then  gone,  "  the  judge"  lent  for 
major  Powers,  and  politely  JiiTured  him  that  he  had 
BO  charge  whatever  againfl  him. 

Thus  a  meritorious  citizen,  whofe  fervices  had 
b^en  gratefully  rewarded,  was,  without  warrant, 
accufer,  or  even  a  pretence  of  guilt,  imprifoned 
fore^ght  days.  The  motive  to  this  outrage  was 
yet  bafer  than  the  adl  itfelf,  Mr.  Hamilton  wan- 
ted Powers  to  turn  evidence  againfi:  people  of  whom 
he  knew  no  harm.  The  crime  of  Reynolds  and 
Clingman  was  faid  to  be  fubornation  of  perjury. 
The  proceedings  of  the  fecretary  came  very  near 
it.  He  had,  by  the  way,  no  legal  authority  to  commit 
anybody.  He  held  no  regular  trufl  of  that  nature.  As 
for  the  judge,  who  endured  fuch  tranfa(flions  before^ 
his  eyes,  it  may  be  hazardous  to  fay  much  about 
him.  The  other  of  the  two  cafes  is  as  follows, 
..»  Findley,  Chap.  XVIU. 


ii^  SKETCHES    OF    THE 

John  Hamilton  was,  at  that  time,  high  fhcriff 
of  Wafhington  county,  and  colonel  of  the  Min- 
go Creek  regiment  of  militia.  Mr.  Findley  enu* 
inerates  his  fuccefsfLil  exertions  to  prevent  mifchief. 
This  man,  hearing  that  a  charge  had  been  lodged 
againft  him,  went  thirty  miles  to  prefent  himfeif 
to  judge  Peters.  Kis  honour  had  not  time  to  exar 
mine  him.  He  was,  hov/ever,  arreted,  and  fent  to 
the  tov/n  of  Wafhington.  He  applied  again  to  the 
jud^e  for  examination  ;  but  in  vain.  He  was  fent 
priibner  to  Philadelphia,  a  winter  journey  of  more 
than  three  hundred  miles.  He  was  paraded,  alotig 
with  others,  through  the  Greets,  with  a  badge  in 
his  hat,  and  cafl  into  the  cells.  After  near  two 
jviONTHs  AND  AN  HALF,  he  obtained  an  examination, 
and  was  admitted  to  bail.  In-  the  fequel,  not  a 
fafpiciou^  circumfiance  could  be  found  aginft  him*. 
The  reafon  for  this  outrage  is  given  by  Mr.  Find- 
ley.  The  fecretavy  of  the  treafary  had  refolved 
on  his  deftruction.  For  aclions  like  thefe,  James 
thefecond  was  turned  out  of  England,  and  George 
the  third  expelled  from  this  continent. 

If  Mr.  Hamilton  wanted  to  drive  the  w^eflern 
people  into  the  arms  of  Britain,  and  to  excite  a 
fecond  infurredion,  worfe  than  the  firft,  this  beha- 
viour was  judicious  ^nd  confident.  But  while  he 
has  thus  coolly  trampled  on  law,  juflice,  humanity, 
and  every  maxim  of  found  policy,  our  ex-fecreta- 
l-y  Ihould  not  refer  to  his  uniform  uprightnefs  of 
character.  In  palling,  we  cannot  withhold  a  tri- 
bute of  admiration  to  the  Ipirited  and  important 
part  a<^ed  by  the  American  bench.  It  is  to  be  la- 
mented that  fome  patriotic  citizens  did  not  raile  a 
flibfcription  for  fnpportiiig  an  aiftion  of  damages 
^gainfi  judge  Peters. 

*  Findlcy  Chap   X  v'lll. 


HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  rn 

Thus  the  fherifF  of  a  county  was  illegally  taken 
from  the  exercife  of  his  office,  an  office  as  facred 
and  important  as  that  of  judge  Peters  himfelf ; 
and,  at  that  time,  of  high  confequence  to  the 
peace  of  the  country.  Bccaufe  the  judge  had  not 
leifure  to  examine  him,  he  was  hauled  to  Philadel- 
phia, and  confined,  for  about  feventy  days,  before 
he  could  obtain  a  hearing.  Mr.  Peters,  when  at 
Wafhipgton,  had  promifed  to  examine  him  with- 
in half  an  hour.  What  a  fine  fpecimen  of  judicc 
was  this  to  hold  out  before  the  people  beyond  the 
mountains  !  John  Hamilton  had  to  make  a  fecond 
journey  to  this  city,  in  June,  1795,  ^^  ftand  trial, 
fo  that,  firll,  and  lafl,  he  mud  have  travelled  fifteen 
hundred  miles.  Yet  this  was  one  of  the  very  mea 
who  prevented  David  Bradford  from  feizing  the 
arms  and  ammunition  in  the  garrifon  at  Pittiburgh; 
and  a  thoufand  dollars  would  but  poorly  have 
compenfated  fiierifF  Hamilton  for  his  imprifon- 
ment ;  while  the  flab  inflii^ed  wpon  public  juftice 
demanded  more  fevere  remembrance.  Our  fede- 
ral literati  are  conflantly  talking  about  the  atro- 
city of  the  weU'ern  riots,  which  they  dignify  or 
degrade  with  the  name  of  rebellion.  They  fliould 
refietft,  alfo,  upon  the  behaviour  of  a  great  part 
of  that  army  by  whom  it  was  crufhed*. 

*  Some  farther  notice  of  Mr.  Hamijton's  pamphlet  will  appear  h 
the  fequel  of  this  volume. 


in  l^EtCHES    CF    TH^ 


CHAPTER    Vi. 

Remtr^rks  on  the  zuejlern  expedition < 


I 


T  is  a  ma>:im  deeply  ingrafted  in  tha^ 
^^^  dark  fyftem,  (the  jacobin)  tiiat  no  charadler, 
*'  however  upright,  is  a  match  for  conllantly  rei- 
*'  tcrated  attacks,  however  falfe. — Every  calumny 
*'  makes  fome  profelites,  and  even  retains  fome ; 
*^  fince  juftifi cation  feldom  circulates  as  rapidly 
''  and  as  widely  asflander/'  Observations,  p.  8. 

Mr.  Hamilton  himfelf  is  fond  of  attacking  per- 
fonal  charatfters.  A  conliderable  portion  of  Mr. 
Findley's  book  confiils  of  details  refpecT:ing  the  ca- 
lumnious accufations  which  the  fecretary  circulat- 
ed, v/hilc  a(fling  in  his  incomprehenfible  capacity 
on  the  weftern  expedition.  It  is  believed  that  not 
even  a  lyllable  of  thefe  charges  has  been  contra- 
dicted, and  far  lefs  refuted,  either  by  himfelf,  or 
by  any  body  for  him.  It  is  impoflTible  and  ufeleis  to 
quote  in  this  place  a  tenth  part  of  thefe  details* 
They  were  ushered  into  the  ^v^^rld  under  a  name 
knov/n  and  refpecled.  They  ^e  as  explicit  as  they 
im.  a  gin  ably  could  be  ;  and  as  indefeufible  as  either 
truth  or  calumny,  or  hiflory  or  fable,  could  make 
them.  A  fampls  or  two  ifhall  be  felec^ed  from  the 
mafs. 

Two  judges  of  Weflmoreland  county  waited  on 
Mr.  Hainilton  and  judge  Peters,  to  enquire  in 
what  way  they  ought  to  proceed  againft  oilenders. 
Inflead  of  a  fuitable  anfwer,  they  were  urged  to 
accufe  Mr.  Gallatin,  as  having  ''  expreffed  him-^ 
^'  felf  in  a  treafonable  manner  at  the  iirft  Parkinfon 


HISTORY    OF    AMERICA,  jtj 

'^^-  meeting.  And  when  they  denied  having  heard 
*'  any  fuch  expreiiions,  the  fecretary  afFerted,  that 
*^  he  had  jufficient  proofs  of  them, already >  They 
"  however,  pcrfiflcd  in  aflerting  that  he  ufed  no 
*/  fuch  expreiiions"*."  They  further  fubjoined,  that 
his  eiforts  had  tended  more  than  perhaps  thofe  of 
any  other  perfon,  to  the  refloration  of  order.  They 
were  fifted,  alfo,  regarding  Mr.  John  Smilie,  but 
to  no  effect.  At  this  inquifition,  Mr.  Hamilton  faid, 
that  he  never  would  forgive  Findley,  who  "  had 
'^  told  or  wrote  lies  about  himt." 

One  John  Baldwim  was  treated  yet  worfe*  He 
refufed  to  give  evidence  againit  (beriif  Hamilton « 
For  this  he  was  infulted,  told  that  he  evaded  fwear- 
ing  truth,  and  that  he  had  forfeited  the  benefit  of 
the  amnefty  by  not  giving  the  teffcimony  demand- 
ed. Somebody  Vaughan,  a  light  horfeman  from  Phi- 
ladelphia, aiiifted  the  fecretary  at  this  fcene. 

Such  behaviour  was  only  fuitable  to  an  Eng]il7> 
flar  chamber,  or  a  Scots  court  of  jufticiary.  If 
judge  Peters  had  affumcd  the  command  of  a  wing 
of  the  army,  or  if  general  Morgan,  or  any  other 
military  officer,  had  placed  himfelf  on  the  bench 
with  Mr.  Peters,  the  groifnefs  of  the  fa6l  would 
have  been  inftantly  difcerncd,  and  the  continent 
have  refounded  with  outcries  of  indio-nation. 
But  the  fecretary  had  no  office,  either  civil  or  mi- 
litary. He  was,  in  every  fhape,  and  in  every 
fenfe  of  the  word,  an  intruder  and  an  uiurper,  and 
be  e-xercifed  his  authority  as  might  have  been  ex- 
pecScedfrom  the  way  in  vv'-hich  he  obtained  it.  Behold 
him  afcending  the  bench,  aflifbed  by  a  diftricft  attor- 
ney, an  infpe(rtor  of  excife,  and  a  light-horfeman» 
This  knot  of  felf-created  magiftrates  attempt  to  dic- 
tate the  depofition  of  a  v/itnefs  \  and,  as  in  the  cafe 
of  Baldwin,  they  threaten  his  life  on  the  event  «f 
*  Findley,  Chap,  XIX.  f  Ibid. 

P 


^4  sitEtdHEs  ot  rnt 

his  refiifaL  Obferve,  alfo,  the  tremulous  judg^^ 
Ihrinking  into  the  back  ground  of  the  picture,  while 
the  laws  and  liberties  of  the  people  are  troden  under 
-foot.  Mr.  Hamilton,  "  by  his  own  authority,  wrote 
^'  a  fevere  reprimand  to  the  commander  in  chief* 
*'  of  the  right  wing  of  the  army,  in  confequence  of 
"  which,  he  was  treated  in  a  manner  not  becoming 
*'  his  rank^.^'  This  was  defbroying  difcipline,  the 
back  bone  of  an  army*  It  was  a  lelf-created  power, 
by  far  more  dangerous,  than  any  contemplated  by 
democratic  focieties.  The  prefident  fuifered  Mr. 
Hamilton  to  aflume  it,  and  forebore  calling  him  to 
account  for  it* 

Here  is  another  fample  of  Mr.  Hamilton's  dif^ 
cretion.  He  expreffed  much  furpfife  at  the  w^eftern 
people  for  repofing  fo  much  confidence  in  fo* 
feigners.  He  faid,  that  Gallatin  and  Findley  "  were 
**■  both  foreigners,  and  therefore  not  to  he  triift-^ 
'^  ed\,^^  Mr.  Findley  has  been  longer,  by  many 
years,  in  the  country  than  our  fecretary  himfelf, 
whofe  father  was  from  Scotland,  and  his  mother 
from  Ireland.  Their  fon  was  born  at  fea,  or  in  an 
ifland  of  the  Weft-Indies.  He  had  no  right  to  con- 
temn foreigners.  This  is  the  general  cant  of  his 
party.  x\bove  all,  they  deteft  Iriilimen,  becaufethc 
latter,  coming  from  a  moft  opprefled  country,  have  a 
natural  bias  to  political  inveftigatioH.  A  great  part 
of  the  people  in  the  four  weftern  counties  are  na- 
tives of  that  ifland,  fo  that  this  language  held  out 
an  infult  upon  the  community  at  large.  It  was  one 
of  the  many  direvH:  meafures,  employed  by  Mr.  Ha- 
milton, for  the  excitement  of  deep  and  durable 
mifchief.  At  the  houfe  of  captain  Dicky,  he  com- 
plained of  the  thirteen  letters^  publiflied  fometimc 
before  the  infurreftion,  by  Mr.  Findley.  He  fworc 

♦  Findley,  Chap.  XVIIL  \  Ibid,  Chap.  XIX. 


HISTORY    OF   AMERICA.  u^ 

that  they  contained  lies  againft  him.  His  landlord 
replied,  that  he  believed  their  contents  to  be  true* 
5ucha  foolifh  dcmean<Dur,  of  which  Mr.  Hamilton 
afforded  many  examples,  would  have  bcenfcarccly 
pardonable  in  a  boy. 

Another  trait  in  the  coloneFs  conduct  de- 
serves attentive  reileiflion.  The  money  for  de- 
fraying the  expencc  of  this  army,  was  fupplied 
by  him  in  diredi  oppofition  to  the  conflitution. 
Tliat  inftrnment,  article  i.  fcc^ion  ix.  claufe  vi. 
fays,  that  "  no  money  (hall  be  drawn  from  the 
''  treafury,  but  in  confequcnce  of  appropriations 
*-^'^ade  by  law»^'  There  exifled  a  llatute  autho- 
riflng  the  prefident  to  call  out  the  militia,  in  cafe 
of  an  infurredlion  ;  but  by  an  overfight  in  fram- 
ing the  law,  he  had  no  power  to  take  money 
from  the  treafury  to  fupport  them.  ''  The  monies 
*'  drawn  from  the  treafury  on  that  occafion  (the 
**  weftern  expedition,)  were  paid  out  of  a  fund 
*'  appropriated  for  other  mid  dijlind  piirpofes  ;  they 
*'  were  not  drawn,  agreeable  to  the  conflitution, 
''  in  confequence  of  any  appropriation  made  by 
.*^  law.  It  might  be  a  defeft  in  the  law,  authorifing 
*^  the  expence,  not  to  have  provided  the  means; 
"  but  that  defeft  fhould  have  been  remedied  by 
^'  the  only  competent  authority,  by  convening 
^'  congrefs*."  This  omiffion  in  the  law  flicws  the 
iiiaflerly  itile  in  which  our  ftatutcs  are  lometimejt 
compofed. 

If  the  bombardment  of  a  Britifh  fleet,  or  the 
difembarkation  of  a  French  army  had  not  left  one 
moment  to  fpare,  cngulphing  neceffity  would  juflly 
have  fuperceded  all  forms,  and  vindicated  the  ir- 
regular abftraclion  of  a  million  of  dollars.  Yet 
even  in  that  cafe,  the  prefident,  at  the  next  mcet-.. 

5  Gallatin,  p.  S^, 


iy6  sketches    of    THE 

ting  of  congrefs,  ought  to  have  explained  and  apo- 
logized for  the  meafnre. 

But  no  faeh  imminent  danger  had  a  being.  There 
was  ample  time  to  have  alTembled  congrefs.  Ne- 
ville the  infpedor's  houfe  was  burnt  on  the  17th  of 
July,  1794.  ^^^^  ^^^  proclamation  by  the  prefident 
was  IfTued  on  the  7th  of  Auguffc,  and  the  fecond 
on  the  25th  of  September  following.  It  was  not' 
till  after  the  latter  date,  that  the  miliiia  were  or- 
dered to  march.  The  feven  Vv^eeks  intervening 
between  the  two  proclamations  allowed  full  time 
for  aiTembling  the  legiflature.  Of  this  Mr.  Adams 
hath  afforded  an  inilance,  in  the  firfc  fellion  of 
the  fiflh  congrefs.  Inflead  of  this  legal  and 
pradicable  meafure,  the  prefident  and  Mr.  Ha- 
milton walked  ftraight  through  the  conflitution, 
through  the  privileges  of  the  legiflature,  and  the 
duties    of  their  own  refpeclive  offices. 

If  congrefs  had  been  previoufly  called,  the  very 
report  of  their  afFenibling  would  have  flruck  a 
mortal  damp  into  this  thoughtleis  rabble,  who 
had  neither  plans,  leaders,  nor  refources.  The 
iblemnity  of  the  flep  was  fure  of  making  a  con- 
iiderable  impreflion.  Time  would  have  been 
gained,  alfo,  for  more  accurate  information  ;  and 
as  the  fifteen  thoufand  militia,  who  did  march 
over  the  mountains,  never  faw  an  enemy,  it  is 
to  be  fuppofcd  that  five  thoufand  could  have  dona 
the  bufmefs  equally  well. 

But  Mr.  Hamilton  had  many  good  reafons  for 
not  wifliing  to  call  congrefs.  The  found  policy  of 
the  excife  law  would  have  met  with  a  fevere  dif- 
cuffion.  The  expence  and  danger  of  a  civil  war 
mufl  have  rendered  excife  completely  odious. 
Every  lenient  meafure  was  fure  to  have  been 
tried  before  a  fingle  regiment  would  be  ordered  to 
lU^rch,  and  the  fequel  (hews  that  they  mud  havo 


HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  tij 

been  fuccdsful.  The  fober  and  fubftantial  mafs 
of  the  wcftern  citizens,  though  averfe  to  exciie, 
were  yet  firm  on  the  fide  of  government.  In 
the  profpedl  of  an  agreement,  Hamilton  fav/  no- 
thing but  the  reprobation  of  his  meafures,  and 
the  •  fradlure  of  his  importance.  'The  parties  in 
congrefs  are  nicely  poifed  ;  but  every  legiilative 
aflembly  has  a  number  of  doubtful  members,  and 
the  natural  averfion  to  civil  bloodflied,  held  ont 
an  irrefiflible  caufe,  or  a  folid  pretence,  ,  for 
univerfally  deferting  the  fix  per  cent,  flandard. 
In  this  cafe,  the  latter  could  not,  probably,  have 
muftered  one-third  of  the  members,  and  mino- 
rities are  always  dangerous  to  a  political  par- 
ty. The  republicans  abhor  the  ex-fecretary  with 
a  cordiality  of  hatred  equal  to  his  own.  They 
confiderhim  as  afecond  Pandora's  box,  from  whof^ 
tranfcendant  capacities  for  mifchief  have  exclu- 
fively  and  collectively  iprung  the  whole  political 
misfortunes  of  America.  The  utmofl  force  of  the 
party  was  certain,  therefore,  to  have  been  levelled 
perfonally  at  him,  and  his  vulnerable  fides  offer- 
ed an  ample  verge  for  the  quivers  of  invedive. 
Hence  he  fliunned  a  previous  meeting  of  congrefs, 
where  it  was  more  than  an  equal  chance  that  he 
fiiould  find  not  protection  and  triumph,  but  re- 
proach and  defeat.  This  feems  to  be  the  only 
rational  key  to  his  condutSt  in  hazarding  a  ci- 
vil war,  and  a  rape  upon  the  treafury,  without 
confulting  the  legidature. 

The  inflgnificance  of  their  conducH:  when  they 
did  meet,  fhewed,  that  the  vidlory  of  Mr.  Hamil- 
ton was  as  complete  in  Philadelphia  as  at  Pittlburg. 
On  the  19th  of  November,  1794,  ^^'^^  prefident  ad- 
dreifed  the  two  houfes.  He  began,  as  ufual,  with  a 
reference  to  divine  goodnefs,  and  to  the  riches, 
power?  and  happinefsj  for  which  America  feems 


,,g  SKETCHES    OF   THE 

deflined.    A  pompous  and  exaggerated  iketch  was 
^hen  given  of  the  inlarreASlion.  Certain  felf-creatcd 
focieties  were  referred  to,   as  having  allumed  the 
tone  of  condemnation  towards  the  meafures  of  go 
vernment.  But  the   prefident  forgot  to  mention, 
and  much  lefs  to   apologize,  for  the   felf-created 
power  of  taking  a  million  of  dollars  from  the  pub- 
lic treafury.    When  he  related  the  outrages   com-* 
mitted  upon  officers  of  government,  he  overlooked 
the  provocations  by  which  they  had  been  excited, 
the  numerous  instances  of  mifmanagcment  on  the 
part  of  the  fecretary  of  the  treafury,  by  which  they 
had  been  foflered,  and  the  thoufand-fold  enormities 
of  the  federal  army,   and  of  that  feci^tary,  under 
which  they  had  been  overwhelmed.    There  is  a 
French  fable,  of  a  gardener  and  a  hare,  that  fomc- 
times  came  through  the  hedge,   and  cropt  his  cab- 
bages. He  reprefented  the  cafe  to  a  gentleman,  who, 
next  day,  with  a  pack  of  hounds,  entered  the  gar- 
den in  chace  of  her.    The  dogs  did  more  mifchief 
in  five  minutes,  than  the  hare  could  have  done  in 
feven  years,  and  after  all,  pufs  got  away. 

This  is  a  concife  and  impartial  picture  of  the  fe- 
deral army,  with  one  fmall  diftint^ion,  that  the  gar- 
dener was  a  fool,  and  the  fecretary  a  knave,  Never 
think  that  you  underftand  the  ftory  of  this  infur- 
re«5lion,  till  you  read  Findley  and  Brackenridge. 
Compare  their  copious  and  interefting  narratives 
with  the  collection  of  papers  publiflied  by  govern- 
ment. The  temperate  and  manly  flile  of  the  for- 
mer hiflorian  is  fometimes  clogged  with  a  tirefome 
Jlength  of  periods.  His  reference  to  dates  is  occa- 
fionaliy  confufed^',  and  the  remarks  which  he  in- 

*  Almofl:  every  fne  of  the  ancient  hiftorians  lias  been  remarkably 
negligent  on  this  point.  Salluft,  Livy,  and  Tacitus,  for  example,  arc 
often  inextricably  imperfcft.  Try  to  follow  Csfar  through  hisovvn 
account  of  his  firft  campaign  in  Belgium,  or  in  his  two  invafions  of 
Britain.  A  modern  general  gives  you  the  date  of  every  tranfadion. 
Tq  foi:bcaj  it,  would  be  pufoing  out  the  right  eye  yf  his  parrauvc. 


HISTORY   OF   AMERICA.  219 

teifperfesj  might  improve  by  concentration.  But 
thefe  are  trifling  fpecks,  and  only  mentioned  here 
to  obviate  the  lioiHlity  of  lifcal  criticifm.  Mr. 
Findley  was  a  farmer,  and  a  foldier  in  the  Ameri- 
can army,  for  many  years  before  he  became  a  pro- 
fclFed  author ;  and  the  wonder  ought  to  be  that  his 
faults  arc  fo  few.  His  accuracy  has  been  attcfi:ed  by 
the  filencc  of  the  fecretary,  while  the  toothlefs 
fcurrility  of  the  treafury  newspapers  announces  that 
he  has  drawn  blood. 

Mr.  Brackenridge  writes  with  more  eafe  and 
vivacity  than  Mr.  Findley.  His  perfpicuity,  his 
fimplicity,  his  pitSturcfque  minuteneis,  conduct  his 
reader  into  the  fccne  of  aclion.  You  fee,  hear,  and 
feel,  jull:  as  the  author  acThially  did  ;  and  this  itfelf 
is  a  talent  of  high  excellence.  x\midfl:  much  en- 
tertainment, candour  will  forgive  the  ferioos  or 
affetHied  vanity  that  fometimes  peeps  through  the 
curtain  of  his  mind.  Thefe  two  writers  have  been 
neglected.  An  eftimate  of  the  fales  may  induce 
a  belief  that  they  have  never  been  perufed  by  more 
than  two  or  three  thoufand  American  citizens, 
that  is  to  fay,  by  perhaps  a  two-hundredth  part  of 
the  community  at  large.  Without  fuch  a  perufal^ 
however,  it  is  impoflible  to  comprehend  the  nature 
and  effcfe  of  the  wcflern  riots.  The  declama- 
tion that  fills  the  federal  gazettes  and  pamphlets 
cannot  afford  a  juft  or  luminous  conception  of  this 
all-important  fubje£l ;  which  is,  therefore,  grofsly 
and  almoft  univerfally  mifunderflood.  Next  to 
the  compofition  of  a  good  book  by  yourfclf,  one  of 
the  bed  fervices  to  the  public  is  the  recommending 
of  another  which  has  been  overlooked. 

After  thus  explaining  where  a  proper  account 
of  the  infurrecflion  may  be  found,  we  go  back  to  the 
prefident,  his  congrefs,  and  his  fpeech.    '^  It  has 

been  a  ipc^ftaclc/'  fays  he,  ''  difplaying  to   thc 


€( 


!20  SKETCHES    OF    THE 

^'  higheil:  advantage,  the  value  of  republican  govern- 
*'  ment,  to  behold  the  moil  and  the  lead  wealthy 
*'  of  our  citizens  ftanding  in  the  ranks  as  private 
''  foldiers,  pre-eminently  diftiriguifhed  by  being  the 
^'  army  of  the  conllitution."  He  ought  to  have  faid, 
of  monarckicrd  government,  for  every  part  of  the 
buOnefs  bore  the  ftamp  of  defpotifm.  In  the  firft 
place,  the  four  counties  were  outlawed,  on  the  fin- 
gle  notification  of  judge  Wilfon.  That  any  fmgls 
man  (liouid  liave  been  entrufted  with  fo  vafl  a  dif- 
cretionary  power  was  inconfiilent  with  republican 
freedom. 

General  Wafhington  fent  commiflioners  to  treat 
with  the  infurgents,  but  if  Hamilton  had  been  pre- 
fident,  he  would  immediately  have  marched  againfl 
them,  and  the  four  counties  muft  have  been  co- 
vered with  blood  and  allies,  by  the  official  temerity 
of  one  man,  and  the  ferocious  impetuofity  of  ano- 
ther. This  is  but  a  poor  fpecimen  of  republican  go- 
vernment, and  yet  it  might  take  place. 

Again,  the  army  was  raifed  on  principles  purely 
monarchical.  The  prefident  a<^ed  folely  on  the  au- 
thority of  a  law  in  veiling  him,  during  the  recefs  of 
congrefs,  with  unlimited  power,  a  law  that  may  one 
day  overturn  the  conilitution.  Let  us  explain  it  by 
tlie  following  fuppofition.  The  prefeht  congreis 
will  ceafe  to  exiil,  on  the  3d  of  March,  1799.  On 
the  4th,  Mr.  Adams  may  get  a  certificate  from  fome 
coniidential  judge,  that  Virginia  or  TennefTee  is  in 
a  ftate  of  rebellion.  Whether  the  flory  be  true  or 
faUe,  refls  entirely  within  his  breaft.  He  dire<Slly 
calls  out  the  militia,  and,  as  this  infurrecHiion  is  ten 
times  more  dangerous  than  that  of  Braddock's  field, 
he  requires  an  hundred  and  fifty  thoufand  men.  He 
fetsout  at  their  head,  parades  four  or  eight  hundred 
miles,  renews  the  horrors  of  the  wcfiern  expedition, 
and,  till  the  firft  Monday  of  December  thereafter,  he 


tllStORY    OF    AMERICA.  jzi 

and  his  militia  are  abfblute  maflcrs  of  America i 

They  proceed,  at  an  expence  of  two  hundred  thou- 

fand  dollars  per  day,  to  be  drawn  from  a  treafury 

which  has  not  one  fpare  fliilling.    No  part  of  the 

conftitution  can,  prad:icaliy,  (lop  Mr.  Adams  in  his 

progrefs.  The  legiflature  does  not  ailemble  till  the 

firfl  Monday  of  December,  unlefsthe  mere  accident 

of  a  law,  by  their  predecellbrs,  mayliave  ordained 

a  more  early  date.    Even  this  remedy  could  eafily 

be  prevented.  On  a  preconcerted  plan,  the  majority 

in  the  fenate  would  be  fure  f.o  rejed:  any  bill  for 

the  more   early  meeting  of  congrefs*    Ihus  nine 

months  of  a  royal  i72terrcgnum  might  readily  put 

an    end  to  the   government.    The    pi^ecedent  fet 

by  general  Wafhingtcn,  for  emptying  the  treafury, 

w^ould  -greatly  facilitate  fuch   a   coiifpiracy.    The 

above  explanation   clearly  proves,  that,   according 

to  laixj^  our  lives  and  properties  may  fcon  be  at  the 

mercy  of  fome  chief  magidrate. 

The  federal  army  did  not,  then,  difplay  the 
fpeclacle  of  a  repuhiic^  but  the  embryo  of  royalty 
hatched  in  the  dregs  of  legiflative  ignorance.  Con- 
grefs  gave  the  prefident  authority  as  good  as  unli- 
mited, for  raifing  an  army  ;  but  they  forgot  to  in- 
form him  in  what  way  that  army  was  to  be  paid. 
This  was,  as  if  a  merchant  fhould  fend  a  flup  to 
the  Wefl-Indies,  and  forget  to  furnifli  her  with  bil- 
cuit  or  water.  What  imbecility,  Vv^hat  unacquain- 
tance  with  the  firfl  principles  of  legillation,  are  un- 
folded in  tills  congreffional  performance  1  Its  vv^orfi: 
parts  might  be  amended  by  a  claufe  like  the  fol- 
lowing. 

The  prefident  fliall  not  be  permitted  to  call 
out  the  militia,  till   he  has  held  a  council  with 
the  vicc-prefident,  the   three  fecretaries,  the  at- 
torney-general, and   the  governors    of  at  lead 
*'  four  of  the  ftates  nearefl  to  the  feat  of  the  fede- 

O 


ii 
cc 
<c 


i2t  SKfitCHfiS   OF    THE 

*'  ral  government.  Of  thefe  nine,  fix  with  hlmfelf 
*'  may  form  a  quorum  ;  and  a  majority  of  at  leaft 
*'  five  members,  fliall  decide.  Every  opinion  fhall 
*'  be  given  in  writing,  and  each  of  the  council  fliall 
'^  be  aniwerable  and  impeachable  for  his  vote. 
''  I'he  proclamation  for  the  aftual  calling  out  of 
*'  the  militia  ihould  be  diredled  tc;  contain  a  fum- 
''  mons  for  the  meeting  of  congrefs,  it  being  other- 
^'  wife  high  treafon  to  obey  the  call.  Leave  fiiould 
alfo  be  granted  to  take  the  requifite  fum3 
from  the  treafury  ;  or  if  not  there,  a  cafe  very 
likely,  the  council  might  be  authorized  to  open  a 


Till  fome  amendment  of  this  kind  fliall  be  made, 
the  liberty  of  the  United  States  muft  be  in  feri- 
Gus  hazard*  General  ^Vafliington  went  to  the 
treafury.  Some  future  prefident  may  go  to  the 
bank.  The  one  (lep  will  not  be  a  jot  worfe  than 
the  other.  The  atTt,  when  amended,  fhouldbe  an- 
TjCxed  to  the  conflitution,  left  fome  future  congrefs 
miglit  dare  to  repeal  it.  The  profpecl  of  mifchief 
is  not  diftant.  Its  approach  may  foon  be  expelled* 
Deriving,  like  Venus,  his  birth  from  the  deep,  the 
United  States  have  already  been  harraffed  with  their 
Machiavel.  If  Wafhington  did  not  aft  that  of 
Cromwell,  it  may  be  afcribed  to  the  foundnefs 
of  his  judgment,  and  the  confcioufnefs  that  a  party 
-who  bafked  under  the  fplendour  of  his  name,  left 
him  almofl  nothing  to  be  defired. 

We  return  to  the  prefident's  fpe^ch.  He  advi- 
fes  the  citizens  of  the  America  to  cheridi  their  con- 
flitution,  not  merely  for  their  own  fakes,  but  '*'  for 
^'  the  fake  of  thofe,  who,  from  every  clime,  arc 
*'  daily  feeking  a  dwelling  in  our  land.''  This 
founds  very  well ;  and,  if  Mr. Jay's  treaty  had  con- 
tained one  line  for  the  protection  of  emigrants  from 
the  Britifh  dominions  to  America,  it  might  have 


HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  123 

been  believed  that,  in  the  above  expreflion,  Mr* 
Wafhington  was  fincere.  The  prcfling  of  men 
from  Irifii  pafTcnger  fliips,  on  the  coaft  of  America, 
is  not  only,  in  itielf,  an  adof  fhocking  crnelty,  but 
an  egregious  infalt  on  this  country.  In  Novem- 
ber, 1794,  when  this  fpcech  v/as  delivered,  Mr. 
AVafhington  had  profefTedly  put  himfelf  at  the  head 
of  that  party  who  revile  emigrants  in  the  rnafs, 
who  want  to  exclude  them  from  voting  at  elections, 
and  who,  in  fummer  1797,  wanted  to  pafs  a  flamp 
duty  of  an  hundred  dollars,  on  their  admiilion  a:; 
citizens. 

In  a  fubfequent  paragraph,  the  preddent  fpeaks 
of  havipg  extended  his  protedion  to  the  Creeks. 
This  pafTage  has  already  been  criticiled*;  but  I, 
fubjoin  a  circumflance  that  has  not  yet  reached 
the  newfpapers.  On  the  8th  of  November,  1794, 
only  eleven  days  before  the  deliveryof  this  fpeech-, 
the  fecretary  at  war  received  a  letter  from  the  go- 
vernor of  Georgia.  It  inclofed  a  depofition  concern- 
ing two  murders  by  the  Greeks.  Q\\  X-Xxc  30th  of 
September,  preceeding,  they  had,  near  fort  Fidius, 
fhot  down  and  fcalped  Catharine  CeiTna,  a  young 
lady.  Five  of  them  had,  alfo,  (hot  and  fcalped  a  ne- 
gro woman.  Governor  Matthews  further  mentions^ 
fome  thefts  of  negroes  and  hcrfes,  committed  by 
Indians,  in  Liberty  county  ;  and  that  the'Tallifec 
king,  and  Broken  Arrow,  were  both  for  v/ar.  W  itli 
this  letter  before  him,  the  prefident  came  forward, 
and,  without  one  word  about  avenging  the  blood 
of  Catharine  Ceffna,  and  of  a  multitude  of  fnnilar 
vi^flims,  harangued  on  his  fuccefs  in  the  protection 
of  her  afTailins.  This  cafe  is  only  afample  of,  per- 
haps, a  thoufand,  equally  horrid,  and  equally  un- 
avenged. The  honour  of  America,  if  one  may  ipeak 

*  Hii1:ory  of  the  United  Statss  for  1796^  Chap.  Vll» 


iH  SKETCHES    OF    THE 

of  non-entities,  hath  been  as  bafely  prcilrated  by 

land  as  by  Tea. 

Hovv  little  reafon  thofe  favages  had  to  cofnplain, 
appears  from  the  copy  of  a  talk  with  them,  tranf- 
inittcd  by  the  goVfCrnor  of  Georgia  to  the  fecretary 
of  war,  in  a  letter  dated  Augufta,  Augufl  19th, 
1794.  ^^^^  piece  is  too  long  to  be  inferted  here  ; 
but  the  following  extra-fls  are  made  fiom  an  atteil- 
ed  manufcript  of  it.  After  dating  the  treaty  of  New- 
York,  he  fays,  ^^  fome  goods  were  promifed  to  you, 
''  which  you  received,  and  you  were  to  make  a 
"^  plain  line  between  our  people  and  yours.  This 
^*  yon  failed  to  do/'  He  then  relates,  that  when  they 
and  their  families  were  in  w^ant  of  corn,  the  prefi- 
0ent  fent  them  a  gratuitous  fupply.  He  alio  opened  a 
i}ore  at  St.  Mary*s  to  furniih  them  with  goods. 
They  murdered  the  men  who  kept  it,  and  carried 
€>if  the  goods.  'I'he  murderers  were  not  puniflied, 
jior  any  fatisfaction  given.  ''  You  have  killed  many 
^^  of  our  citizens,''  fays  the  governor,  '^  and  car- 
^^  ried  away  a  great  number  of  our  horfes,  cattle, 
^^  and  negroes.  All  this  your  father,  general  Wafli- 
'•  ington,  has  borne  witk^  from  a  wifh  to  be  the 
^'  friend  of  your  nation.— You  a&  about  forts. — 
^'  They  are  on  the  ^jorth  fide  of  the  river,  and  on 
*'  the  land  that  was  given  by  your  nation  at  the 
^^  treaty  at  New- York,  for  which  you  have  been 
''  paid;  and  f  cannot  fee  why  you  complain  of  it. 
*^'  By  that  treaty  your  nation  is  to  receive  twelve 
^'  hundred  dollars  a  year  for  the  lands,  which  is  ten 
"  times  as  much  as  all  the  game  you  can  kill  on  // 
•■  in  one  year  is  worth.  I  cannot  fee  how  your  na- 
^'  tion  can  difpute  the  river's  being  the  line,  as  it 
^'  was  agreed  on  at  three  treaties  in  Georgia,  and 
'f^  the  one  at  New- York.''  Such  were  the  people 
to  whom  the  prefident  gave  his  prQtecrion.  The 


HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  12; 

fpeech  has  not  even  one  hint  about  the  defence  of 
citizens  on  the  Georgian  frontier. 

"  From  a  defire,  aUb/'  fays  the  prefident,  "  to 
"  remove  the  difcontents  of  the  Six  Nations,  a  fet- 
"^  tlement  meditated  at  Prefqa'  Ifle,  on  lake  Erie^ 
'^  has  been  fiifpended;  and  an  agent  is  now  cndea- 
''  vouring  to  rectify  any  7TuJconceptwn^  into  which 
^^  they  may, have  fallen."  The  matter  was  ihortjy 
this.  No  mifconception  exifted  on  the  part  of  the 
Indians,  excepting  from  Ewglifh  bribery.  A  letter 
from  general  VViJkins  to  Cle,ment  Biddle,  quarter- 
mafter  general  of  Pennfylvania-,  explains  the  flory. 
It  is  dated  April  25th,  i794->  ^'^^  mentions,  that 
Gornplanter  and  other  Indians  had  been  invited  to 
an.  Englifli  council  at  Buffaloe  creek.  "  On  the  re- 
'•^  fult  of  that  council,''  fays  the  general,  ''  feems 
"  to  hang  war  or  peace  between  us  and  the  Six  Na- 
*^  tions.  There  have  been  a  great  deal  of  paiiis  iifed 
''  lately  by  the  Englifh  to  jour  their  rnbids^  a7id  the'xf 
^^  jeem^  infonie  meajiire^  to  have  effsded itJ^  A  let- 
ter from  general  Gibfon  to  governor  MifBin,  dated 
Pittfburg,  June  nth,  17945  inclofes  a  depofition  by 
David  Ranfom,  informing,  that  Cornplanter  had 
been  bought  by  the  Britifli,  and  that  there  had  been 
a  plot  to  cut  off  the  fettlers  at  Prefqu'Iile.  Captain 
Denny,  in  a  letter  to  general  Gibibn,  dated  14th 
and  i6th  of  June,  1794,  conlu'ms  this  intelligence. 
The  corrcfportdence  contains  many  other  circum- 
ftances,  proving  the  hoflile  dedgns  of  the  Britifli.  It 
was  not,  therefore,  an  Indian  mifconception,  but 
an  Englifli  confpiracy ;  and  if  the  prefident  did  not 
chufe  to  tell  the  uory  candidly,  he  fliould  have  been 
filent.  Even  without  defending  Genet,  one  cannot 
fay  that  he  came  within  an  hundred  degrees  of  the 
guilt  of  governor  Simcoe.  Genet  wanted  the  United 
States  to  attack  the  enemies  of  France  ;  but  Simcoe 
Wanted  the  Indians  to  attack  the  United  States,  We 


,26  SKETCHES   OF    THE 

had  not  clone  the  fmalletl  injury  either  to  the  Six 
Nations  or  to  England.  The  perfidy  of  the  latter  can- 
not, therefore,  admit  of  aggravation.  The  French 
had  affilled  this  country  in  obtaining  her  liberty, 
and  now  lolicited  her  to  affifl  in  the  fecuring  of 
theirs.  It  rai^>;ht  be  improper  in  America  to  grant 
the  requefh,  but  it  was  extremely  natural  in  the 
French  to  make  it. 

Palling  over  the  reft  of  this  fpeech,  we  come 
next  to  the  anfwer  of  the  fenate.  It  ran  as  ufual, 
in  a  falfome  echo.  x\s  if  this  trifle  had  been  worth 
aiotice,  the  preiident  replied  with  much  fatisfa<5i:ion 
on  finding  that  his  condu6l  was  approved  by  *"'  the 
"  enligliiened  reprefentatives  of  a  free  nation." 
In  the'laft  fentence,  he  alluded  to  ''  tho£e  jiuiicmis 
^'  Rud /panted  exertions,  which  have  brought  vic- 
*^  TORY  to  our  weflern  army."  He  was  at  the 
head  of  an  army  for  feven  years  and  an  half.  He 
was  feveral  times  beaten.  His  fame,  as  a  conquer- 
or, reds  on  the  captme  of  nine  hundred  HeUians'^. 
Hence,  general  Wadiington  may  have  mifynder- 
fiiood  themeaningof  the  word  wVi'or)/.  But  in  com- 
mon language  a  battle  mufl  always  ^o  before  a 
victory.  Now,  the  weftern  army  never  faw  a 
perfon  in  p'ms  againil  them.  They  flabbed  a  man 
who  was  in  liquor  or  mad.  They  lliot  a  boy, 
who  was  fickt ;  and  thefe  tv/o  acts  of  homicide, 
or  murder,  include  the  whole  bloodfiied  ol  the 
campaign.  The  troop^  did  not  fo  much  as  meet 
with  any  fnare  of  that  fugitive  oppofition, exerted  by 
a  gang  of  Engliih  Imugglers  on  the  coafl  of  SufTex. 

•  Vvh?.t  a  figure  would  our  Ameucan  campaigns  make  befide 
the  hifvory  of  the  war  of  feven  years !  In  two  lines,  Frederic  relates 
that  Winterfeldt  overtook  three  thoufand  Pa-idours,  cut  them  to 
pieces,  or  drove  them  into  a  maiih,  'J'his  is  all  vvc  hear  of  the 
tlory. 

i  Findley  ChaJ.  Xll, 


HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  iz'^ 

From  what  hath  fince  trafifpired,  a  fingle  Bi'itiil^ 
regiment  of  foot,  another  of  hoiTe,  and  two  field 
pieces  would,  at  a  twentieth  part  of  the  expence, 
have  been  altogether  equal  to  the  performances  of 
our  fifteen  thoufand  militia. 

The  anfwer  of  congratulation  from  the  fenatc 
pad:  immediately''.  That  from  the  reprefentatives 
coft  more  time.  They  began  to  debate  on  Monday 
the  24th  of  November,  1794;  ^"^  ^^^^  iirft  day 
was  fpent  on  a  notable  difj)ute.  One  part  of  the 
propoied  addrefs  had  theie  words :  *'  we  cannoc 
"  otherwife  than  warmly  approve  of^  policy  in 
*'  our  foreign  affairs.''  Sec,  Toitr  policy  was  recom- 
mended as  better.  After  oiat^ly  twenty  fpeeches 
upon  it,  the  claufe  M'as  wholeiy  withdrawn,  as 
the  houfe  could  not  agree,  and  were  ^.lllamed  to 
divide  on  the  refpe<Slive  merits  of  the  article  and 
the  pronoun.  The  prefident  had  caft  an  oblique 
YQ^Q€t\on  on  felf-created focieties  2i%  fomenting  the 
infurredion.  It  was  propofed  that  the  anfwer 
fhould  echo  this  cenfure  verbatim.  The  debate 
lafled  till  Thurfday  afternoon  ;  and  the  precife 
echo  was  rejeiTted  by  forty-feven  votes  again!!:  forty- 
fix.  Next  morning,  fome  loquacious  members  wan- 
ted to  renew  the  contefl.  On  this,  Mr.  M*^Doweil 
faid,  that  twenty-five  days  of  the  feffion  were  now 
elapfed,  and  he  was  as  at  a  iofs  to  know  what  the 
houfe  had  been  doing.  The  words  combinations  of 
men  were  put  in  fie  ad  of f elf-created  focieties  mioth^ 
repercuflion  of  cenfure.     Thus  the  anfwer  pail. 

It  is  proper  to  take  fome  notice  of  thefe  traits^ 
as  a  warning  to  future  legiflatures.  Af?:er  all  this 
wrangling,  the  paper  in  queftion  proved  but  a  poor 
produiflion.  If  truth  or  reafon,  or  the  public  fer- 
vice,  had  been  at  all  coniulted,  the  houfe  would 
have  begun  by  allying  the  executive  v/by  he  took 
from  the  treafury  eleven  hundred  thoufand  dollars, 


128  SKETCHES    O:^    TPIE 

without  their  leave,  and  inccntcmpt  of  the  con^:- 
tution  ?  Why  he  did  not  take  iheafures,  as  he  ve- 
ry v/ell  might  have  done,  for  checking  this  riot  in 
the  bud  ?  Why  he  raifed  an  army  of  fuch  cnor^ 
moiis  numbers,  when  a  fifth  part  of  them,  at  the 
utmofi:,  could  have  done  the  bufinefs  ?  Why  he 
permitted  x^lexander  Hamilton  to  engrofsfuch  ex- 
travagant authority  ?  Why  the  v/hole  country  was 
infulted,  the  prifoners,  and  even  witnefTes  fo  bar- 
baroLifly  treated  ?  And  why  he  was  awed  by  fuch 
diminutive  enemies  as  the  TalifTee  king,  Broken 
Arrow,  and  the  Cornplanter  ? 

It  Vv'as  not  from  want  t>f  good  will,  in  forty-feven 
members,  that  thefe  queflions  were  avoided.  But, 
inch  was  the  popularity  of  the  prefident,  and  tlie 
nniverfal  rage  excited  againfl  the  rioters,  that  the 
fmalieil:  refiftance  to  adulation  of  the  executive, 
would  have  been  held  as  bad  as  treafon.  In  allu- 
llon  to  the  alfembling  of  the  militia,  the  rcpre- 
lentatives,  amidfl  other  encomiums,,  have  the 
following  words  :  "  the  fpeclacle,  therefore,  when 
^'  viewed  in  its  true  light,  may  well  be  affirmed  to 
''  difplay,  in  equal  luflre,  the  virtues  of  the  Ame- 
^'  rican  characler,  and  the  value  of  republican 
^'  government/'  Such  a  racket  has  been  made 
about  the  raifmg  of  this  weftern  army,  and  the 
fublime  patriotliin  by  Vvhich  it  v/as  inipired,  that 
lomethingmore  fiiali  be  faid  upon  it. 

If  the  weflern  people  had  been  able  or  willing 
to  Hand  an  attack,  not  one  half  of  the  militia  were 
fit  for  fighting.  The  ranks  w^ere  cronded  by 
young  men,  altogether  unacquainted  with  the  uie 
of  arms*.   On  the  9th  of  January,  1795,  general 

*  A  journeyman  prijiter,  from  the  oJFficeof  tlie  Philadclpliia  Ga- 
zette, went  out  upon  bis  firlt  eflay,  as  a  private.  He  was  one  of 
the  fe!ed  corps  left  in  the  weftern  country,  and  reriirncd  next  fpring, 
with  the  rank  of  lieutenant  or  captain.     Ex pide  Herczilem* 


HISTORY   Of   AMERICA.  ng 

Smith  told  the  hoiife  of  reprefentativcs  that ''  nuni- 
*'  bers  of  the  militia  did  not  know  how  to  fet  up  a 
"  tent.  The  Virginian  militia  who  went  out,  were 
'>  neither  trained  nor  difciplined.  As  for  the  Ma- 
''  ry landers,  when  he  drew  part  ot  them  out,  and 
''  ordered  them  to  load,  he  found  that  fifty  of  them 
"  had  put  down  the  ball  before  the  charge  ofpow^ 
''  d^r.  Some  of  them  did  not  even  know  how 
"  to  lay  a  gun  over  their  fhoulders/'  A  merchant^ 
would  notentruft,  as  his  book-keeper,  a  clerk,  wjio 
pat  the  wrong  end  of  his  pen  into  an  ink-flandifh  ; 
or  who  was  ignorant  of  the  difference  between  addi- 
tion and  fubtraclion.  Yet  fuch  a  novice  would 
be  juft  as  fit  for  the  delk,  as  thefe  militia  w^ere  for 
the  camp.  When  yoa  take  up  the  fubjecl  in  this 
point  of  view,  when  you  refiecl  on  the  folly  of  con- 
dueling  troops  like  theie  into  actual  fervice,  your 
mind  mud  feel  a  fadden  opprellion  under  the  burfh 
of  afconifhment.  There  could  be  no  ufe  in  fending 
fuch  people  to  reduce  an  iniurredrion.  It  was  the 
mofl  unmilitary  management  conceivable.  If  fight- 
ing v/as  wanted,  thefe  raw  recruits  were  ufeleis. 
If  the  country  beyond  the  mountains  was  peceable, 
their  multitude  v/ould  only  make  them  infolent  and 
mifchievous.  A  fmall  part  of  their  own  number 
of  French  or  Britifli  veterans  w^ould  have  cruihed 
them  like  an  apple  in  the  cyder  prefs.  In  his  hif- 
tory  of  the  war  of  feven  years,  the  king  of  Pruffia 
gives  a  lefFon  on  this  head.  '  He  fays  that  when 
his-  armies  had  been  ordered  into  winter  quarters^ 
the  recruits  for  the  next  campaign  were  collct^led 
as  early  as  poflible,  becaufe  it  required  three  or 
four  months  to  teach  them  the  cxercife.  Between 
the  two  proclamations  of  the  prefident,  the  one 
for  being  in  readinefs,  and  the  fecond  for  marching, 
only  feven  weeks  intervened^  and  within  that  time 
nut  all  the  drill  fergeants  of  Potzdam  could  have 

R 


33d  SKETGtlES   OF   THE 

taught  them  the  ufe  of  arms.  But  if  Frederic  re- 
quired three  or  four  months  to  form  a  foldier^ 
the  befl  officer  in  the  United  States  would  need 
longer  time.  Whatever  then  congrefs,  or  the  pre- 
fident,  might  think  of  fuch  a  Jpedacle^  no  reader 
of  fober  and  impartial  underflanding  will  ad- 
mire that  kind  of  generalfhip  which  alTembled  fe- 
veral  thoufands  of  raw  lads  from  the  plough  and 
the  workfhop,  and  difpatched  them  three  hundred 
miles  in  queft  of  an  enemy. 

Put  the  cafe  that  out  of  thefe  troops  one  third 
were  real  foldiers,  who  had  feen  fervice,  and  ac- 
quired military  feelings.  The  other  ten  thoufand 
who  put  in  the  ball  before  the  charge,  or  wHo 
committed  atfts  of  equivalent  ignorance,  were  a 
mere  burden  on  the  profelhonal  men.  The  latter 
Would  have  been  more  formidable  without  them. 
Thefe  matters  are  fo  very  clear  that  it  is  aim  oft  a 
fhame  to  repeat  them.  Yet,  if  the  government 
of  a  country  chufes  to  commit  its  character  by 
fuch  proceedings,  the  public  have  a  right  to  re- 
view them. 

We  fhall  be  fafe  in  computing  that  the  fuper- 
numeraries  of  the  excife  army,  coft  fix  hundred 
thoufand  dollars  of  extra  and  ufelefs  expence.  Five 
thoufand  good  foldiers,  if  the  camp  contained  as 
many,  would  have  been  quite  equal  to  the  bufinefs. 
Suppofe  that  the  remaining  ten  thoufand  were  ab- 
fent  from  their  common  employments  for  ninety 
"i^^orking  days.  At  the  common  and  moderate  com- 
putation of  a  dollar  per  day,  the  lofs  of  labour,  by 
the  enliftment  of  thefe  ten  thoufand  hands,  comes 
to  nine  hundred  thoufand  dollars.  Add  this  to,  per- 
haps, fix  hundred  thoufand  dollars,  of  money  ad- 
vanced from  the  treafury,  for  the  expence  of  the 


HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  i^i 

inarch  of  fupernumeraries,  the  two  fums  make  to- 
gether dollars,    1,5003000 

Intercft  for  three  years,  from  '^ 
November  ift,    1794?   ^^  ^°"" 
vember  ift,  1797?  at  thuty  per 


1,350,000 


cent,  per  annum.  3   ^""^tL^^lSl? 

For  the  lafi:  three  years,  or  thereabouts,  two  and 
an  half  per  cent,  per  month  has  been  a  common  rate 
of  intereft  among  many  of  our  merchants.  It  has 
often  been  at  five  per  cent.  The  above  eftimate  of 
thirty  per  cent,  a  year  falls  by  far  Ihort  of  the  loweft 
of  thefe  two  rates,  as  the  monthly  compound  in- 
terefl  is  kept  out  of  fight.  Here  we  fee  that  the  in- 
furre£lion  was  fupprelled  at  an  enormoufly  greater 
cxpence  than  was  neceflary.  A  general  alarm  was 
raifed  in  behalf  of  the  conPdtution,  an  alarm  very 
laudable,  if  it  had  been  exacflly  founded  on  facls. 
This,  along  with  the  ultimate  fuccefs  of  the  expe- 
dition, and  the  interefled  encomiums  of  Mr.  Ha- 
milton's regiment,  have  fhed  a  luftre  over  the  w^hole 
tranfaftion,  that  no  part  of  it  deferves.  Before  the 
citizens  of  the  United  States  rufh  upon  the  extirpsi- 
tion  of  a  fecond  infurrciflion,  they  will  do  well  to 
be  fure  of  its  exiftence. 

A  cafe  has  been  imagined,  in  a  former  page,  of 
a  prefident,  during  the  recefs  of  congrefs,  hafting 
the  country  into  a  civil  war.  It  is  pollible  that  his 
condudr  might  merit  impeachment ;  and  for  this, 
or  other  offences,  the  conftitution  has  referved  a 
remedy.  He  is  to  be  tried  by  the  fen  ate,  and  the 
chief  juftice  fliall  prefide.  He  cannot  be  convit9:ed 
unlefs  by  the  concurrence  of  two-thirds  of  the 
members  prefent.  The  latter  claufe  is  equitable  ; 
for  candour  will  prefume  that  a  prefident  acSls  for 
the  bed ;  and  it  would  be  iniquitous  to  condemn 
him  by  the  cafting  vote  of  a  fenator,  who,  in  the 
eye  of  law,  and  moft  likely  of  reafon j  is  not  a  better 


f5«  SKETCHES    OF    THE 

man  than  himfelf.  But  a  ferious  objedtion  lies  againfl 
the  tribunal  before  which  he  is  to  be  tried.  One  of 
the  mofh  likely  cafes  of  an  impeachment  would  re- 
gard foreign  treaties,  becaufe,  in  thefe  there  would 
be  the  greateH  rifle  of  corruption,  andof  confequcnt 
treachery.  Here  the  conflitution  leaves  us,  like  a 
whale  on  the  flrand,  for  the  prefjdent  cannot  ad: 
without  the  advice  and  confent  of  the  fenate*,  and 
if  he  and  two- thirds  of  them  flaould  think  fit  to  fell 
America,  fhe  has  only  to  fubmit  to  the  purchafer. 
Even  in  the  event  of  domeftic  mifmanagement,  as 
little  can  be' hoped  from  the  vigilance  or  virtue  of 
the  upper  houfe.  They  have  already  broached  a 
doctrine  the  v/ildefl  and  moR  criminal,  that  has  pro- 
bably been  ever  heard  of  in  a  legifiative  aflemblyt ; 
and  general  Mafon  did  only  one-half  of  his  duty  to 
the  country,  v/hen  he  forbore  to  publifli  that  en- 
gulpbing  tenet.  There  is  no  afTurance,  nor,  indeed, 
much  probability,  that  any  future  fenate  will  pof- 
iefs  more  information,  or  integrity,  or  indepen- 
dence, than  the  members  now  in  office.  A  prefident 
has  always  m  his  gift  a  variety  of  appointments, 
fufficient  to  fecure  a  majority  of  two-thirds.  This 
tiibunal,  then,  for  the  purpofeof  his  impeachment, 
is  entirely  ufelefs.  ^ 

The  profped:  of  juflice  would  not  be  much  im- 
proved by  a  transference  to  the  houfe  of  reprefen- 
tatives.  Perhaps  the  fafeft  and  fairefl  way  of  pro- 
fecuting  the  chief  magiflrate  might  be  to  name  de- 
legates from  each  of  the  ftates,  in  the  numbers  and 
proportions  that  fhould  be  found  advifeable.  Sucli 
perfons  only  ought  to  be  eligible  as  have  never  held 
an  office  of  p^rofit  under  the  general  government, 

*  Mr.  Wafhington,  at  the  nomination  of  John  Jay,  did,  in  fub- 
f  rnce,  make  a  partial  breach  of  this  part  of  the  conftituttoftt  See 
Hiftory  of  the  Untied  States  for  1796,  Chap.  V. 

\  American  Annual  Regider,  (^hap,  V, 


HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  135 

and  who  fliall,  by  acceptance  of  this  trufl:,  be  ren- 
dered incapable  to  exercife  any  fuch  office  for  a  cer- 
tain term  of  years  to  come.  Thefe  remarks  apply 
to  720  particular  Jed  of  politicians ,  They  point  at  an 
evident  and  immenfe  gap  in  the  conllitution  ;  for, 
under  the  prefent  form,  it  is  plain  that  the  trial  of  a 
jprclident  could  be  nothing  but  a  farce. 


CHAPTER    VII. 

Manliuv  on  democratic  focieties , — His  notorious  ca- 
lumnies,— 'Negligence  of  the  executive, — Judge 
IredelVs  charge, — Federal  dijcipli?ie, — Judge  Pe^ 
ters, — His  fmgnlar  vigilance  and  humanity, — Par- 
liamentary  definition  of  excije, — Partial  indeinni^ 

fication  to  fufferers  in  the  whifiy  riots,- — Remarks 
on  the  federal  conftitution, — On  arbitrary  impri- 

fonment, — Prefidential  power  of  adjourning  con^ 
grejs, — Its  dangerous  tendency. 


Wi 


H  O  E  V  E  R  is  converfant  in  the  writ- 
ings of  the  federal  party,  muft  have  obferved,  that, 
amidfl  mountains  of  declamation,  they  labour  under 
a  diftreffing  famine  even  of  alledgcd  fa^ls.  The 
bribery  of  Randolph  by  Fauchet ;  the  inflitution  of 
democratic  focieties  ;  their  confpiracy  with  Genet  ^ 
the  encouragement  which  they  gave  to  theweftcrn 
mob ;  and,  finally,  the  grand  rebellion  itfelf,  com- 
pofe  almoft  the  only  intelligible  charges  of  all  thofe 
on  which  the  fix  per  cent,  cymbals  are  eternally 
tinkling.  As  to  Randolph,  the  party  contented  them- 
felves  with  railing.  They  never  entered  the  field 
of  argument  ;  but,  in  as  far  as  evidence  and  argu- 
Pient  can  go,  the  point  has  been  decided  without 


tj^  SKETCHES    OF   THE 

their  aid*.  In  defence  of  democratic  focieties^ 
fomcthing  has  been  ahxady  advanced!  ;  and  as  for 
Genet,  it  has  been  proved  that,  whenever  he  was 
iinderflood  to  have  quarrelled  with  the  prefident, 
the  great  mafs  of  republicans  immediately  deferted 
himl.  Nay,  it  is  remarkable,,  and  to  candid  minds 
it  muft  be  decifive,  that  the  favourite  of  all  thefe 
focieties  was  then,  and  is  now,  Thomas  Jefferfon', 
the  very  man  who  freed  this  country  from  Genet. 
It  muft,  at  the  fame  time,  be  allowed,  that,  in  many 
refpefts.  Genet  was  hardly  and  uncandidly  dealt 
with ;  but  of  him,  his  inflrucT:ions,  and  his  proceed- 
ings, more  will  be  faid  hereafter. 

Seven  letters,  under  the  fignature  of  Manlins, 
appeared,  fometime  ago,  in  the  Columbian  Centi- 
nel.  The  firfh  of  them  is  dated  the  3d,  and  the  laft, 
on  the  17th  of  September,  1794.  I'^^y  confift  of 
furious  invective  againft  the  republican  party.  In 
No.  III.  the  writer  complains,  that  '*  Mr.  Dexter, 
*'  noted  for  folidity  of  judgment,  ftrength  and 
''  perfpicuity  of  reafoning,  elegance  and  accuracy 
*'  of  lliie,  in  an  anarchical  gazette  of  Philadelphia, 
*'  h  xaid^  to  \.2.\k  like  a JcIiGol  boy  "  If  Manlius  want- 
ed to  mock  Mr.  Dexter,  his  attempt  is  fuccefsful. 
If  he  wanted  the  public  to  believe  his  panegyric, 
he  betrays  his  own  want  of  judgment  or  veracity. 
No  perfon  has,  for  the  laft  four  years,  ever  fo  in- 
tolerably tired  the  patience  of  congrefs,  as  Mr. 
Dexter,  if  we  except  Robert  Harper,  and  even  the 
latter  is  greatly  fupcrior  to  the  former.  He  has  in- 
genuity, information,  and  an  eafy  delivery,  if  he 
could  only  know  when  to  flop.  In  the  feffion  of 
November,  1796,  he  made  two  very  interefling 
Ipeeehes  ;  the  one  for  the  widow  of  John  de  Neuf- 

*  Arrerican  Annual  Rpgifter,  Chap,  VII,  &  VIII. 

+  Ibid.  Chap.  VII. 

J  Hiftory  of  1796,  Chap.  II, 


HISTORY   OF   AMERICA.  i^; 

ville,  and  the  other,  for  the  inhabitants  of  Savan- 
nah. 

Of  democratic  foGieties,  Manlius,  No.  I.  {peaks 
thus.  ''  They  have  oppofed  their  veto  to  the  doings 
'^  of  theprefident,  to  the  laws  of  the  union,  and  to 
'^  the  will  of  the  whole  people."  \yeto  is  a  word 
borrowed  from  the  tribunes  of  ancient  Rome.  By 
pronouncing  it,  they  prevented  the  enaifting  of  a 
law.  The  ibcieties  never  made  even  a  motion  vx 
any  legiflature  whatever,  nor  have  they  endeavour- 
ed to  obRrudr  the  execution  of  any  law.  If  they  had 
done  fo,  they  would  have  been  apprehended,  and 
the  difpute  would  have  been  decided  in  a  court  of 
juftice.  They  did  nothing  more  than  publifli  their 
opinions.  They  were  warranted  to  do  fo,  by  the 
conftitution,  which  declares,  that  "  congrcfs  fliall 
^'  make  no  law  abridging  the  freedom  of  Jpeech^  or 
^'  of  the  prcjs^."  If  they  went  too  far  the  attorney 
general  could  flop  them.]  "  They  have  arraigned/' 
lays  Manlius,  ''  the  condu6l  of  the  mod  wife  and 
*'  virtuous  citizen  now  on  earth;  they  have  de- 
*'  clared  that  this  beloved  firfl:  magiftrate  hath 
"  trampled  on  the  conftitution."  [There  never  was 
a  chief  magiftratc  in  the  world,  who  efcaped  with- 
out arraignment.  We  might  as  well  attempt  to 
keep  mankind  from  coughing,  or  fneezing,  as  ex- 
pecSt  that  any  government  can  give  univerfal  fatis- 
fa<n:ion.  The  democratic  focieties  only  did  what 
occurs  in  every  affembly  of  the  human  race.  They 
cenfured  their  government,  and  fo  do  theflavesof 
Dahomey  and  Morocco.]  ''  They  have  excited 
*'  oppofition  to  the  laws  ;  and,  an  armed  rebellion, 
"  probably,  in  confequencc  of  their  falfe  fuggel- 
'^  tions,  is  adiually  raifed  in  the  very  centreof  the 
"  United  States.  Many  of  our  fellow  citizens  have 

*  Additional  Artickc,  No.  III. 


136  SKETCHES    OF    THE 

*'  been  murdered^  and  their  dwellings  burnt  to  the 
^'  ground.  They  have  endeavoured  to  involve  the 
^^  country  in  all  the  diftrefTes  of  war  ;  while  they 
''  have  oppofed  the  adoption  of  every  meaiure  to 
*'  prepare  for  this  dreadful  calamity." 

This  extract  prefents  a  fair  fample  of  the  ftile 
of  Manllus.  His  letters  have  been  reprinted  in  a 
pamphlet,  and  enjoy  fome  fort  of  reputation.  The 
preceding  pafTage  is  one  of  thofe  few,  wherein  we 
can  difrobe  him  of  the  mill:  of  declamation,  and 
grafp  him  on  the  ground  of  fafts.  ''  Many  of  our 
^'^  fellow  citizens  have  bee?i  7}iiirdered,^'  The  ])apers 
publifhed  by  government  fpeak  ofnofuch  mur- 
ders. But  previous  to  the  burning  of  Neville's 
houfe,  and  in  a  feries  of  three  years,  about  eight 
perfons  had  been  maltreated.  On  the  6th  of  Sep- 
tember, 179 1,  Robert  Johnfton,  an  exciic  officer, 
was  tarred  and  feathered  at  Pigeon-creek,  in 
Wafiiington  county,  by  a  party  in  difguife.  Four 
other  cafes  of  the  fame  nature  occurred  foon 
after.  One  of  the  fufferers  v/as  a  lunatic,  and 
another  a  private  perfon,  wh©  had  innocently  re- 
marked, that,  when  people  did  not  obey  govern- 
ment, they  could  not  look  for  its  protection.  It 
does  not  appear  that  any  punifhrnent  was  inflic- 
ted on  thefe  offenders,  and  hence  the  executive 
muft  have  expected  a  continuation  of  outrages. 
An  office  of  infpeclion  for  Wafhington  county 
was  opened  in  Augufl,  1792,  at  the  houfe  of  cap- 
tain William  Faulkner.  This  man  was  foon  after 
threatened  with  deftru^lion,  unlefs  he  turned  away 
the  infped:or.  He  did  fo  and  no  perfonal  violence 
was  committed.  Diforderly  meetings  went  on, 
and  flill  the  executive  forbore  to  cruili  them. 

In  April,  1793,  ^  party  in  difguife,  broke,  du- 
ring the  night,  into  the  houfe  of  an  excife  officer 
in  Fayette  county.     He  was  from  home,  but  they 


HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  ij) 

abufed  his  family.  Warrants  for  apprehending 
them  were  delivered  to  the  IherifF  at  Fayette.  He 
did  not,  and  probably  durft  not,  execute  them.  Still 
government  perfifled  in  its  want  of  energy.  If  re- 
bellion had  been  the  object  of  the  cabinet  of  Phi- 
ladelphia, this  was  the  very  way  to  nurfe  it.  Such 
apparent  lenity  was  the  height  of  real  barbarity. 
Every  new  ^d:  of  blackguardifm  fanv^ioned  that 
which  w^as  to  come  next ;  and  every  day  mufr. 
have  increafed  the  difrefpet!^  for  focial  order.  It 
was  in  a  high  degree  culpable  for  government  thus 
tamely  to  fland  by,  and  permit  the  flames  of  bru- 
tality and  fedition  to  extend  unrefilled  from  one 
year  to  another. 

On  the  2  2d  of  November,  1793,  ^  party  agaia 
vifited  the  houfe  of  the  colleclor  of  excife  in  Fav- 
ette  county,  for  whom  they  had  fearched  in  April. 
He  gave  up  his  books  and  commiflion.  Yet  it  is  own- 
ed that  about  the  end  of  1793,  ^^^  ^^^""^  appeared  to 
be  gaining  ground.  The  fmalicfl  exertion  of  execu- 
tive power  mufl  have  enfured  its  ultimate  fuccefs. 
Some  of  the  principal  recufant  diftillers  began  to 
comply,  and  others  difcovereda  difpofition  to  do  fo. 
One  of  the  former  had  his  barn  burnt.  The  flill- 
houfe  of  a  fecond  was  deflroyed ;  that  of  a  third 
narrowly  efcaped  the  fame  fate  ;  and  his  griil:  and 
faw  mills  were  damaged.  The  blame  mud  fall 
entirely  on  the  timidity  or  negligence  of  admini- 
ftration.  ''  The  mofl  wife  and  virtuous  citizen  now 
^'  on  earth,''  can  gain  no  more  honour  by  this  ama- 
zing inattention  to  his  duty  than  he  formerly  did 
by  (liooting  the  French  officer  who  advanced  with 
a  flag  of  truce*.  On  the  6th  of  June,  1794,  ^"  ^^ 
of  violence  occurred  in  Wafiiington  county.  The 

*  See  Smollet's  Hiftcry  of  the  War  of  1756.  The  court  of  Ver- 
faiiles  made  all  Europe  ring  with  complaints  on  this  flrange  con- 

5 


iS%  SKETCHES    OF    THE 

office  of  excife  was  kept  in  the  houfe  of  John  Lynii^ 
who  was  tarred,  feathered,  and  tied  to  a  tree, 
Some  days  after,  part  of  his  houfe  was  pulled 
down.  From  the  firil  violence  committed  on  Ro- 
bert Johnflon  to  the  laft  date,  two  years  and  nine 
months  had  elapfed.  Dm^ing  this  long  interval, 
the  executive  looked  on,  like  the  mariner,  who  fees 
his  velFel  fpringing  aleak,  but  who  lets  the  hold  be 
half  filied  with  water  before  he  tries  to  flop  it.  If 
a  thoufand  well  affedted  militia  had  been  quartered 
in  the  vicinage  of  the  rioters  who  affaulted  Pvlr. 
Johnflon,  if  they  had  been  driven  out  of  tbe  coun- 
try, or  fent  to  the  workhoufe,  we  (liouJd  have  heard 
Bothing  of  aweflern  infurredlion  ;  or  of  a  wafle  of 
public  money,  of  property,  and  of  time,  to  the  va- 
lue of  fome  millions  of  dollars.  It  is  well  known 
that  a  rabble,  whenunrefifled,  always  proceed  from 
bad  to  worfe,  till  the  violence  of  the  diforder  pro- 
duces a  remedy,  which  is  often  more  dangerous 
than  the  difeafe.  The  fmallefl  political  forefight 
might  have  difcovered  that,  firfl:  or  lad,  it  would 
be  needful  to  extend  the  arm  of  power,  and  that 
the  fooner  this  was  done  fo  much  the  better. 

This  detail  cf  circumflances  mufl,  in  every  can- 
did mind,  alleviate  the  blame  of  the  weflern  riot- 
ers. Their  ignorance  was  as  much  to  be  pitied,  as 
their  barbarity  was  to  be  detefled.  They  were 
permitted  to  advance  by  gradual  and  even  by  an- 
nual fleps  to  the  brink  of  deftrudlion.  They 
were  then  pitched  over  the  precipice,  with  an  in- 
folence  and  ferocity  of  vengeance  that  fink  the 
judge  to  a  level  with  the  criminal.  As  for  Man- 
lius,  and  his  numerous  7nurders^  they  are  the 
ofFspririg  of  his  ov.^n  calumnious  fancy.  The 
infurgents  do  not  feem  ever  to  have  (lied  fo  much 
as  a  Tingle  drop  of  blood,  excepting  at  Nevilic'iS 


HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  139 

houfe,  where  three  of  the  defenders  were  wounded. 
From  the  publications  of  t}ie  times,  Manlius  niuft 
have  known  that  his  affertion  was  an  untruth. 
With  his  eyes  open,  he  circulated  this  falfehood 
to  promote  incendiary  and  infamous  purpofes. 
Such  is  the  patriot,  who  rails  at  democratic  fo* 
cieties. 

Of  this  wedern  infurre^^ion  it  has  become  the 
mark  of  a  party  to  fpeak  in  fbrong  terms.  On 
April  1 2th,  1796,  judge  Iredell,  of  the  fupreme 
court  of  the  United  States,  refei^ing  chiefly  to  this 
rupture,  delivered  a  charge  to  the  grand  jury  of 
Pennfylvania.  Some  parts  of  it  are  open  to  objec- 
tion. Defcribing  the  fuperior  excellence  of  the 
American  conftitution,  he  fays,  that,  in  other  coun- 
tries, "  fufpicion  has  fupplied  the  place  of.  evi- 
"  dence.— The  higheil  inltances  of  public  virtue 
"  have  been  doomed  to  the  punifliment  of  the  high-- 
'*  eft  public  offences.  Happily  for  the  United  States, 
"  fuch  fcenes  have  been  known  to  them  only  by  the 
"  kiftory  of  other  nations,^'  This  is  wrong.  In  the 
cafes  of  Randolph,  and  of  Iheriff  Hamilton,  themofl 
dire^H:  evidence  was  fet  afidc  by  fufpicion.  The 
numerous  inftances  of  oppreffion  committed  in  the 
weft,  under  the  eye,  though  not  by  the'  defire  of 
judge  Peters,  prove,  that  here,  as  in  other  coun- 
tries, government  may  opprefs  with  impunity.  The 
judge  then  alludes  to  the  fuppreflion  of  the  infur- 
re^Ttion,  ''  a  period  which  will  form  as  bright  a 
^'  page,  as  any  in  the  American  annals." 

This  brightnefs  muft  be  produced  by  the  parti- 
cles of  luftre  flowing  from  ''  the  army  of  the  con- 
"  ftitution."  Carlifle  is  only  an  hundred  and  feven- 
teen  miles  well  from  Philadelphia.  When  the  troops 
arrived  there,  ,they  quarrelled  among  themfelves. 
They  were  on  the  brink  of  mutual  maffacre.  "  The 
^'  fceets  and  avenues  of  Garliflc  were  occupied  by 


I40  SKETCHES    OF    THE 

*'  the  army,  during  the  night ;  and  an  apprehenfion 
"of  the  town  being  burnt  excited  a  general  pa- 
^'  nic*/'  The  rational  part  of  the  troops  could  not 
preferve  order ;  and,  it  was  believed,  that  nothing 
but  the  arrival  of  the  prefident  prevented  ferious 
mirchleft.  MefTrs.  Redick  and  Findley,  deputies 
from  the  weftern  country,  ran  the  rifk  of  being  al- 
fallinated.  As  for  the  infur^ents,  it  was  common  to 
fvvear,  that  "  there  was  no  need  of  judges  or  juries. 
''  Let  them  only  fee  the  men,  and  they  would J/dewer 
''  tkemX.**  Thofe  of  the  troops,  who  alledged  that 
they  were  merely  come  in  aid  of  the  law,  and  that 
they  ought  not  to  ufurp  its  funftions,  were  branded 
with  the  title  of  ivhifiy  men  ;  and,  as  fuch,  were 
the  objeds  of  menace  and  indignation.  The  prefi- 
dent obliged  thofe  who  had  killed  the  two  perfons 
above  mentioned§,  to  give  fecurity  for  (landing  their 
trial.  Som.e  perfons,  of  no  mean  rank,  were  morti- 
ced r*t  this  meafiire.  Some  foolifh  people  having, 
at  different  times,  mixed  with  the  left  wing  of  the 
army,  ge-neral  Morgan  kept  his  men  from  killing 
them,  by  threatening  that  he  would  kill  them  him- 
felf.  He  took  them  out  of  the  way,  and  difmilTcd 
them  privately.  On  the  march,  It  was  his  rule  to 
keep  his  troops  on  the  parade,  till  he  had  called  on 
the  inhabitants  refiding  near  the  encampment.  He 
immediately  paid  them  for  what  had  been  taken  or 
dcftroyedjl .  Yet  even  this  officer  did  fometimes  for- 
get himfelf.  He  was  guilty  of  the  firft  breach  of 
peace  in  the  weftern  country.  James  M\\ili(ler 
^'  had  charged  a  quarter  of  a  dollar  for  a  quart  of 
"  whiflvey  to  a  foldier.    The  general  knocked  him 

*  Findley,  Chap.  XII. 

+  When  the  army  came  to  CarliHe,  the  inhabitants  (Imt  up  their 
ftores.  It  was  not  until  after  a  day  or  two.  and  forae  threats,  that 
they  could  be  induced  to  refumc  trade.  So  f^ys  Clement  Biddle. 

+  Findley,  Chan.  XII.  J  Ibid,  fu^na  Ch.p,  VI, 

jl  Findley,  Chap.  XII, 


HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  14J 

'^  down  with  the  butt  of  his  whip,  and  abufed  him 
''  confiderably^.  x\t  fort  Cumbei-iand,  general  Smith 
of  Baltimore,  diicharged  about  fifty  diforderlynicii 
in  one  day ;  he  did  his  utmolf,  and  with  confidcr- 
able  fuccefs,  to  enfoixe  dilcipline.  In  the  camp 
at  Carnaghan's,  in  Weftmoreland,  the  moll  expe- 
rienced officers  were  afraid,  that  the  diforders  com- 
mitted by  the  army  would  rwin  the  country.  Gene- 
ral Irwin,  at  fome  rifk,^reizcd  two  culprits.  They 
were  feverely  puniflied,  and  the  example  had  a  pro- 
]per  effect.  But  it  was  a  fervice  of  danger.  While 
the  fentence  was  executed,  fears  were  entertained, 
that  the  regiment  to  which  the  offenders  belonged, 
might  interpofe  to  refcue  them  5  fo  that  general 
Chambers,  v/ith  his  brigade,  v/as  placed  in  a  iitua- 
tion  inftantly  to  charge,  in  cafe  of  mutiny. 

^Vhen  judge  Iredell,  Manlius,  and  other  friends 
of  order,  indulge  themfeivcs  in  praifes  of  the 
weftern  army ;  in  declamations  againlt  the  in- 
furgents ;  and,  in  arraignments  againd:  the  demo- 
cratic focieties,  they  will  do  wifely  to  reflect  on  the 
particulars  here  dated.  Such  an  army  was,  wlien 
taken  collectively,  as  great  an  objccT:  of  terror  as 
the  infurrC(5lion  itfelf.  No  democratic  fociety  has 
done  any  adl  that  approaches  to  the  bacchanalian 
projecl:  of  burning  Carliile.  It  is  affirmed,  that  the 
focieties  wanted  to  plunge  x\merica  into  a  Britifli 
war.  This  project  did  poffibly  float  in  the  brains  of 
a  fmall  number  of  madmen.  That  it  could  be  the 
defire  of  any  confiderable  part  of  the  members  is 
untrue. .  But  even  a  Britifh  war  was  ftill  lefs  dreadful 
than  a  civil  one;  and  if  it  had  not  been  for  fome 
officers  of  experience,  and,  above  all,  for  the  rcipcft 
paid  to  the  preiident,  this  fan^lified  weftern  army 
would  have  produced  a  fecond  rebellion,  before  at- 

♦  Brackenridge,  Vol.  III.  Chap.  VIL 


J4.2  SKETCHES    OF    THE 

tempting  to  quell  the  firft  one.  The  fober  portion 
of  the  troops  were  on  the  point  of  being  obliged  to 
attack  the  rioters  within  their  own  ranks. 

How  dreadful  mufl  have  been  the  condition  of 

the  United  States,  if  Carlifle  had  actually  been  de- 

flroyed.  It  is  weaknefs  to  (brink  from  the  retrofpeft 

of  this  woeful  probability,  or  to  hold  up  "  the  army 

*'  of  the  coiijlitution^^  as  a  pattern  for  future  ages. 

From  the  hurry  with  which  that  corps  was  huddled 

together,  nothing  fplendid  could  juflly  be  e:cpet^ed. 

Jf  Alexander  Hamilton  had  advifed  the  previous 

calling  of  congrefs,  or  if  he  had,  in  1791,  purfued 

proper  meafijres  to  check  the  outfet  of  the  riots, 

he  would  have  rendered  an  eminent  fervice  to  the 

United  States.  Proceeding  with  judge  Iredell,  he 

tells  the  grand  jury,   that  the  infurgents  were  le- 

duced  "  by  the  bafefl  artifices,  and  the  groffefl  mif- 

"  reprefentations  of  a  few  defigning  men  ;   \^'hofe 

*'  views,  in  all  probability,  were  much  deeper,  and 

'*  more  malignant  than  they  were  avowed  to  heJ* 

The  judge  ought  to  have  fpecified  who  thefe/^w 

defigning  men  are,  otherwife  he  fmks  to  the  fame 

rank  with  Manlius,  Curtius,  Camillus,  aad  the  refl 

of  that  tribe,  who  prattle  about  confpiracies  alike 

incomprehenfible  to  themfelves  and  every  perfon 

c\^^.  If  he  refers  to  Findley,  Smilie,  Brackenridge, 

and  Gallatin,   Mr.  Hamilton  flrained  every  nerve, 

without  finding  a  fpark  of  evidence  againft  them. 

The  judge  cannot  furely  want  to  trump  up  another 

edition  of  Fauchet's  romance  ;  and  if  that  is  not  his 

objetl,  he  fliould,  in  defence  of  his  own  reputation, 

declare  what  was  his  meaning. 

Again,  we  hear  that  the  infurre^lion  was  fup- 
prefTed  in  a  manner  "  worthy  of  the  government 
*'  of  a  free  people."  Ke  fnould  have  added,  as  in 
the  inflance  of  fheriff  Hamilton,  of  major  Powers, 
of  the  deputies  of  fubmiilion  menaced  with  murder, 


HISTORY    OF*    AMERICA.  14^ 

of  the  exped:ecl  conflagration  of  Carlifle,  or  of  the 
man  knocked  down  for  afking  the  price  of  a  quart 
of  whifl<ey.  To  this  paper  the  grand  jury  replied, 
that  theinfurrecHrion  "  has,  however,  been  attended 
^'  with  good  conlequences. — It  has  olFered  another 
"  proof  o^  the  firmnefs,  the  wifdom,  and  bencvo- 
^Mence  of  our  much  beloved  prefident. — It  has 
''  opened  the  eyes  of  a  once  deluded  people.'^  This 
is  the  fum  total  of  advantages  named  by  the  jury. 
They  have  coft  a  wafleof  tv/o  or  three  millions  of 
dollars  ;  two  or  three  millions  of  calumnies  in  the 
federal  newfpapers  ;  and  vexation,  oppreiiion,  and 
ruin  to  a  great  number  of  people.  Eyes  have,  in- 
deed, been  opened ;  but  v/hat  have  they  feen  ?  the 
horrors  of  military  defpotillTi,  inflided  by  a  raw* 
militia  ;  the  impoilibility,  in  moR  cafes,  of  obtaining 
redrefs  ;  the  ufurpation  of  both  civil  and  military 
powers,  by  a  fecretary  of  the  treafury,  who  had  no 
title  to  interfere  with  either.  The  grand  jury  clofe 
with  referring  to  the  "  unexampled  prolperity  of 
*'  our  dear  and  happy  country,'' — -excmpliiied  in 
the  devaftation  of  commerce  ;  the  cxpicfion  of  cre- 
dit ;  the  contempt  of  England;  and  the  prol]:)etfc  of 
hoftilities  with  France. 

Of  the  w^eflern  army,  more  yet  remains  to  be 
faid.  Andrew  Watfon,  William  H,  Beaumont,  Te- 
remiah  Sturgeon,  and  George  Robinfon,  reilded, 
in  17945  at  Pittfburg.  Mr.  Brackenridge  declares, 
that  the  town  did  not  contain  four  lefs  fufpecled,  or 
lefs  offending  men.  They  ''  were  dragged  out  of 
''^  their  beds,  at  two  o'clock  in  the  morning ;  not 
^'  fuffered  to  drefs  themfelves,  but  in  an  unHnifl:ed 
^'  manner  ;  obliged  to  march,  fome  of  them,  with-- 
out  putting  on  their  flioes,  which  they  had  to  car- 
ry with  them  in  their  hands  ;  dragged  out  of  their 
beds  amidil  the  cries  of  children,  and  the  tears 
of  mothers;    treated  with  language  of  the  moil; 


,44  SKETCHES    OF    tHE 

"  infulting  opprobrium,  by  thofe  apprehending 
*'  tiiem  ;  driven  before  a  troop  of  horfe,  at  a  trot, 
*'  through  muddy  roads,  feven  m,iles  from  PittA 
'^  burg;  impounded  in  a  pe7i^  on  the  wet  foil '^  the 
''  guard  baying  them,  and  afl^ing  them  how  they 
''  would  like  to  be  hanged  \  [what  a  precious  fpe- 
cimen  of  the  federal  army  1]  "  fome  offering  a  dol- 
•"'  lar  to  have  the  privilege  of /hooting  at  them  ;  car- 
''  ried  thence  four  miles  towards  the  town  ;  obliged 
''  to  lie  all  night  upon  the  wet  earth,  without  cover- 
"  hig,  under  a  feafon  of  ftect,  rain,  and  fnow  ;  dri- 
^'  ven  from  the  tire  with  bayonets  ;  when  fome  of 
''  tliem,  perifiiing,  had  crawled,  endeavouring  to 
''  be  unfeen,  towards  it  ;''  [This  is  no  better  than 
the  hiftory  of  Kirk  and  his  regiment  ;  or  of  the 
Scots  prelbyterians,  under  Charles  the  fecond.] 
'■'"  next  day,  impounded  in  a  wafte  houfe,  and  de- 
"  tained  tiiere  five  days;  then  removed  to  a  newly 
"  built  and  damp  room,  Vv4thout  fire,  in  the  gar- 
^'  rifonatPitcfburg;  at  the  end  of  ten  days  brought 
'*^  before  the  judiciary,  and  the  information  aganft 
*'  them  found  7iot  to  be  regarded  V^  [Ohmofllamc 
r.nd  impotent  concliifion  IJ  "Was  this  the  way 
^'  to  quell  an  iniurrec^ion  ?  ''  [No  but  it  was  the 
way  to  make  one,  and  that  was  what  Mr.  Hamil- 
ton wanted.]  ''  Was  this  the  w^ay  to  make  good  ci- 
*'  tizens  ?  Do  I  blam.e  the  judiciary  ?  No."  [But 
every  body  elfe  will.  Mr.  Brackenridge  is  a  law- 
yer, and  mod  likely  unwilling  to  offend  judge  Pe- 
ters. In  the  Scots  court  of  feiiion,  it  is  a  rule  with 
their  lordfhips  to  ruin  every  praftitioner  who  quar- 
rels with  them.  Something  of  this  fort,  perhaps 
prevails  at  Pittil^urg.  Judge  Peters,  when  he  dii- 
mifled  thefe  four  men  Vvould  certainly  blufli  to 
look  in  their  faces.  Haul  people  out  of  their 
beds  at  midnight,  drag  them  eleven  miles  at  a  trot, 
barefooted  through  the  mire,  impound  them  for 


HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  14^ 

ten  days  in  mud,  before  ypii  examine  them,   and 
then  difcharge  them,  for  want  of  evidence! 

«  I'd  rather  be  a  dog,  and  bay  the  moon, 
*' Than fuch  a  JUDGE.*' 

It  fignifies  nothing  to  rail  about  JefFerle?,  or  the 
prefent  lord  juftice  clerk  of  Scotland,  or  the  other 
monfters  of  juridical  proftitution,  who  have  fo  fre- 
quently polluted  the  eaflern  fhorc  of  the  Atlantic* 
Thefe  feats  have  been  at^ed  under  our  eyes  ;  and 
you  niuft  either  admire  the  gentry  who  atchieved 
them,  or  you  are  an  enemy  to  order,  a  diforganizer, 
a  jacobin,  and  a  penfioner  of  France.]  ''  I  blame 
*'  the  management  of  thofe  concerned  to  injure 
'^  them.  Thefe  were  neighbours  and  friends 
"  of  mine,  and  that  is  the  iecret  of  their  fuiferr- 
''  ings"^.''  A  poor  apology  for  the  bench  !  On  thp 
march,  Andrew  Watfon  fell  Tick.  The  captain  of 
the  guard  lent  his  horfe  to  the  prifoner.  "  Gene- 
''  ral  Chanibers  coming  up,  ordered  him  to  difmount 
''  with  opprobrious  appellationst.''  From  fuclibad 
treatment,  the  health  of  Beaumont  and  Robinfon 
fuffered  feverely.  Thefe  details  fliould  be  univer- 
fally  known  ;  when  prefidential  fpeeches,  charges  to 
grand  juries,  and  the  whole  mafs  of  federal  pam- 
phlets andnewfpapers  are  crouded  with  the  exploits 
of  the  i^rmy  pf  the  conftitution.'  Nothing  can  be 
more  terrible  to  any  country  than  a  tumultuous 
body  of  foldiers,  direfted  by  a  revengeful  ftatef- 
man,  and  fandlioned  by  an   underftrapping  judge. 

To  this  black  narrative,  let  us  fee  v/hat  can  be 
con#p;ared  on  the  fide  of  democratic  focieties.  Man- 
lius,  No.  ly,  aflisif  Americans  will  confide  in  men, 
*'  who  inure  their  arms  to  the  dextrous  ufe  of 
"  this  inflrument  of  deatht;  in  horrid  pomp,  by  its 
'V  means,  execute  the  image  of  one  of  your  firil  pa- 

*  Brackenridgc  Vol.  11.  Chap.  X.    +  Ibid,      +  The  guillotine. 

T 


145  S  K  E  T  C  H  E  S    O  F    T  H  E 

'^  triots*;  in  men  who  have  already  excited  an  ar- 
*'  nied  rebellion  againft  the  lav*'s  of  their  country; 
"  and  fpread  havoc  and  defolation  over  the  peace- 
^*  fill  dwellings  of  our  fellow  citizens  ;  who  have 
"  already  produced  treafon  and  murder,^'  And 
again — "'  the  treafons  and  murders  of  Pitliburg.'* 
The  only  blood  fpilt  was,  as  already  faid,  by  the  ar- 
my ;  and  as  for  havoc  and  defolation,  that  committed 
by  the  infurgents  was  but  like  a  grain  to  the  bufhel 
of  the  excife  heroes.  Manlius,  in  a  long  note, 
condefcends  upon  particulars.  In  May,  1794,  ^^^^ 
people  of  Lexington  in  Kentucky  burnt  in  effigy 
John  Jay.  And  what  then  ?  before  the  burning 
they  guillotined  him.  The  defence  of  Mr.  Adams 
was  fufpended  about  his  neck,  and  in  his  left  hand 
he  held  *'  Swift's  lafl  fpeech  in  congrefson  the  fub- 
'' jetl  of  BritiOi  depredation."  This  childiih  fto- 
ry  formed  a  triumphant  article  in  fomc  Kentucky 
newlpaper.  Maniius  cites  it  at  full  length,  and 
adds;  '' thefe  are  famples  of  the  doings  and  the 
'*  refblulions  of  the  anarchifts.     Theje  people  are 


*^  novo  in 


Hiftorical  knowledge  mufl:  be  at  a  very  low^  ebb 
in  Bofton  ;  otherwife  no  writer  durfl:  have  forged 
the  notorious  fiction  ju ft  quoted.  If,  in  1794,  ^^^^ 
people  of  Kentucky  had  been  in  arms,  they  might 
have  remained  fo.  No  federal  army,  or  indeed 
any  other,  could  have  reached  them.  But,  happi- 
ly, this  is  the  firft  and  laft  notice  which  we  have 
received  of  a  rebellion  in  that  quarter  The  lie 
was  good  or  bad  enough  to  pleafe  the  tradefinen' 
and  farmers  of  Maffachufctts.  In  their  irritation, 
Maniius  reaps  the  harveftofhis  labours.  He  prints 
?.  fwarm  of  inflammatory  fables,  and  proceeds  t# 
rail  9it  inflammation. 

*  Joi)n  Jay, 


HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  147 

It  does  not  appear  that  any  democratic  fociety 
had  concern  in  burning  of  Jay's  eliigy.  Maniius, 
as  the  feoond,  and  only  other  faCt^  quotes  mi- 
nutes of  a  meeting  held  at  Pittfburgh,  on  the  29th 
of  April,  1794.  They  contain  warm  exprelTions, 
cenfurc  the  appointment  of  Jay,  the  fyftem  of 
flockholding,  and  declare  that  ^^  we  are  almoll 
^*  ready  to  wifli  for  a  flate  of  revolution/'  The 
parties  alTcmbled  were  of  no  confequence,  and  Mr. 
Fenno,  and  Maniius  himfeif,  have  employed  num- 
beriefs  expreffions  quite  as  inflammatory  againfl 
the  republican  party,  as  thefe  are  againil  the  parti- 
fans  of  Britain. 

On  the  26th  of  November,  i794)  I^^-  Ames,  in 
a  fpeech  to  the  reprefentatives,  attacked  democra- 
tic focicties.  He  repeated  the  above  circumflances 
from  Maniius.  He  added  others.  The  focie-^ 
ty,  at  Charieflon,  in  South  Carolina,  had  folici- 
tcd  the  jacobin  club  of  Paris  to  adopt  it.  This 
was  in  Odober,  1793.  ^^^  plan,  it  feems,  had 
come  to  nothing.  "The  club  of  Pinckney  dillricl, 
'*  in  Carolina,"  fays  Dr.  Ames,  ^'  had  voted  in  fa- 
''  vour  of  war,  and  againfl  paying  taxes."  He 
flaould  have  recited  a  copy  of  the  vote,  but  this, 
alfo,  ended  in  fmoke.  "  Are  the  refolves  of  the 
*'  clubs  of  this  place  and  New- York  forgotten  ?" 
fubjoined  he.  ''  Could  outrage  and  audacity 
^'  be  expe;^ed  to  venture  further  ?  One  condcm- 
"  rted  the  excife  as  odious  and  tyrannical ;  the 
*'  other,  inforcing  thatfcntiment,  publifhed  its  con- 
''  demnation  of  Mr.  Jay's  miffion  of  peace."  Some 
notice  hath  already  been  taken  of  this  fpeech*. 
As  to  excife,  a  committee  of  the  Britifh  houfe  of 
commons,  in  one  of  their  reports,  declared  it  to  be 
a  fyftem  ''  pernicious  to  the  manners  of  the  pco« 

*  American  Annual  Rcgifter,  Chap.  VII. 


h8  sketches  of  the 

'''  f>le  ;  repugnant  to  all  good  government  ;  and 
'^  which  threatens  the  defi;ru(n:ion  of  that  very  re- 
*'  venue, which  it  is  its  objeCl  tojecure^,^^  This  is  the 
flile  of  a  Britifli  parliament ;  an  authority  quite 
in  point. 

There  was  another  fa^l  omitted  both  by  Dr. 
Ai^es  andManlius.  The  former  and  his  friend,  Dr. 
Smith,  were  burnt  in  effigy  at  Charlefton,  (S.  C.)  for 
oppofing  Madifon's  refolutions.  Perhaps  this,  alfo, 
may  be  afcribed  to  democratic  focieties.  But  all 
thefe  indecencies  put  together,  do  not  balance  even 
half  a  page  of  Findley  or  Brackenridge.  It  (igniiies 
nothing  to  burn  one  judge  in  effigy,  compared  with 
the  dragging  of  another  to  the  diftance  of  three 
hundred  and  fifty  miles  from  his  diftrid:,  and,  with- 
out examination,  confining  him  for  feventy  days  in 
the  cells  of  Philadelphia  jail.  But  let  us  go  back  to 
the  federal  army.  It  would  have  been  happy  for 
the  four  weftern  counties,  if  the  troops  had  con- 
fined themfelves  to  burning  of  an  effigy.  When 
they  departed,  a  feled:  body  remained  behind. 
*^  They  were  noify  in  taverns,  late  in  their  patroles 
^'  through  the  ftreets  (of  Pittfburg).  The  cow  of 
^'  one  man,  that  had  but  one,  was  ftabbed;  the 
*'  horfe  of  Another  run  through  the  bodyt."  Some 
cifficcrs  quarrelled  with  a  waggoner,  ''  Two  or 
'^  three  flices  were  taken  from  his  fcull,  and  a  finger 
*'  was  cut  oftt."  An  hundred  and  fifty  dollars  were 
paid  as  a  compofition  to  the  fuiferer.  M'Dermot, 
who  gave  the  wounds,  was  at  the  head  of  a  fecond 
outrage.  After  forcing  a  man,  whofe  wife  was  Tick, 
to  give  them  entertainment,  the  company  confined 
him  to  his  chamber,  made  flrokes  at  him  with 
their  fwords,  threw  hi:^  bedding  on  the  floor,  danc- 

*  See  aSh&rt  Hijiory  of  Eac'ife  /•  27  ;  a  work  wherein  the  reader 
Vili  find  many  interelling  particulars,  relative  to  this  fubjed, 
t  j^rackenridge,  Vol.  \\h  Chap.  VII.  %  Ibid. 


HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  14^ 

ed  upon  it,  broke  his  tables.,  chairs,  and  other  fur- 
niture. The  bill  of  damages  was  paid,  with  many 
imprecations*.  Mr.  Brackenridge  relates  other 
cafes  of  this  fort,  and  makes  a  general  reference  to 
many  more.  Thefe  anecdotes  fhould  be  read  and 
fludied  by  every  man  who  values  the  lives  and  pro- 
perties of  American  citizens.  Dr»  Ames  would  not 
iell  one  of  his  fingers  for  an  hundred  and  fifty  thou*- 
fand  dollars.  Mr.  Jay  would  rather  be  burnt  in  ef- 
figy, daily,  for  an  hundred  years  together,  than  part 
with  the  leaft  (lice  of  his  fcull.  To  celebrate,  with- 
out difcrimination,  the  exploits  of  fuch  an  army, 
is  infulting  the  truth  of  hiflory.  Deiperadoes,  like 
M'Dermot,  ought  to  have  been  turned  out  of  this 
Jehd  corps,  with  every  mark  of  difgrace.  No  fjch 
flep  has  been  heard  of;  and  hence  we  may  look 
for  (imilar  treatment  from  the  next  conftitutlonal 
army. 

Among  the  prifoners,  Mr.  Findley  enumerates 
colonel  Crawford  and  fon,  Mr.  Sedgwick,  a  juftice 
of  the  peace,  Mr.  Corbly,  a  baptift  minifter,  and 
others.  He  never  could  learn  that  Mr.  Sedgwick 
had  done  any  thing  to  Jay  a  foundation  even  for 
fufpicion.  Thefe  people  ailert,  that  they  had  not 
the  opportunity  of  figning  the  terms  of  the  com- 
inifiioners,  until  the  appointed  day  was  paft.  xAfter 
an  imprifonment  o^  fe-ueral  months^  they  were  ad- 
mitted to  bail.  On  their  trial,  no  bill  was  found 
againfl  anyof  themt. 

In  the  American  Annual  Regifter,  Chap.X.  fome 
obfervations  are  made  on  the  correfpondent  cafe  of 
George  Lucas,  another  pretended  infurgent,  fuch 
as  Mr.  Sedgwick  and  Co-.  Compare  this  with  what 
follows.  The  prefident,  in  his  fpeechto  congrefs,  on 
the  19th  of  November,  1794,  fti'ongiy  recommends 

*  Brackenridge,  Vol,  III.  Chap,  VII.    f  Findky,  Chap.  XVI. 


ijo  SKETCHES    OF    THE 

Sfi  indemnification  to  perfons  in  office,  who  had 
fufFered  in  defence  o^  government ;  fuch  as  Neville, 
the  infpe^lor,  whole  houfe  was  burnt.  "  The  ob- 
ligation/' fays  he,  ''  and  policy  of  indemnifying 
"  them,  are  ftrong  and  obvious.  It  may  alfo  merit 
attention,  whether  policy  will  not  enlarge  this 
provifion  to  the  retribution  of  other  citizens, 
who,  though  not  under  the  ties  of  office,  may 
have  fnffered  damage  by  their  generous  exertions 
"  for  upholding  the  conllitution  and  the  laws. 
'^  The  amount,  even  if  all  the  injured  were  includ- 
"  ed,  would  not  be  great ;  and,  on  future  emer- 
*'  gencies,  the  government  would  be  amply  repaid 
"  by  the  influence  of  an  example,  that  he  who  in- 
'*  curs  a  lofs  in  its  defence,  fhall  find  a  recompence 
'*  in  its  liberality." 

This  I'eads  very  well.  Send  your  fervant  on  a 
mefTage,  and  order  him  to  mount  an  unruly  horfe, 
He  is,  in  fpite  of  his  efforts,  thrown  off  and  briiifed. 
You  cannot  chufe  but  to  pay  the  furgeon's  bill. 
Thus  far  we  go  with  the  prefidcnt;  for  the  go- 
vernment of  a  countr)?^  proceeds  on  the  fame  prin- 
ciples with  tliat  of  a  family,  only  that  it  covers  a 
more  extended  fcale.  Put  the  cafe  then,  that  your 
courier  ffiall,  with  or  without  defign,  ride  over  a 
dozen  palfengers  on  the  road.  The  furgeon  brings" 
in  a  fecond  account.  This  alfo  will  fall  to  be  paid 
cither  by  him  or  you.  Equity  requires  that  ultimate 
compeniation  fliould  be  made  by  the  owner  of  this 
horfe,  who  put  him  into  the  way  of  doing  the  harm. 
It  demands  no  depth  to  fee  the  fairnefsof  this  pro- 
pofition,  and  the  propriety  of  its  application  to  juflice 
Sedgwick, to  colonel  Crawford,  ferjeant  Lucas,  and 
Mr.  Corbly.  In  confequence  of  the  prefident'sre^ 
commendation,  a  bill  paft  to  indemnify  thofe  who 
fuffered  loifes  in  the  fervice  of  government  by  the 
inlurgents.   The  fame  bill  fliould  have  contained 


HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  i^i 

a  claufe  for  indemnifying  thofe  who  had  been  grofsJIy 
abufed  by  the  weflcrn  army,  or  who  had  endu- 
red unjuft  imprifonment  by  themiflake  of  govern- 
ment. Humanity,  juftice,  and  found  policy, 
pled  as  warmly  in  the  latter  inftance  as  in  the 
former.  The  cafe  was  even  Wronger  rhan  that 
of  paflengers  rode  down  by  a  horfe.  The  federal  ar- 
my, that  inftrument  which  executed  fuch  a  mifappli- 
cation  of  punKhment,  was,  in  part,  raifed  at  the  ex- 
pence  of  its  victims.  It  was  only,  by  their  own  con- 
fent,  granted  feven  years  before,  that,  as  it  regarded 
them,  the  prefident  held  his  oftice  3  for  if  they  had,  in 
1787,  fet  up  an  independent  government,  it  would 
have  been  diliicult  or  impoffible  to  hinder  them  ;  nor 
fhould  it  be  forgotten  that  the  conflitution  was  re- 
conciled to  their  choice  by  confidcrable  manage- 
ment, folicitation,  and  artifice.  The  officers  of  ex- 
cife,  who  loll  property,  or  were  abufed  perfonally, 
had  reaped  perfonal  emoluments  from  the  execu- 
tive. Lucas  and  Sedgwick  had  not.  They  drew 
only  blanks  in  this  lottery;  while  they  w^ere  jufl 
as  well  entitled  to  prote(flion,  and  retribution,  as 
officers  of  excife,  or  any  other  clafs  of  citizens. 
Nay  fome  of  them,  fheriff  Hamilton,  and  major 
Powers,  for  example,  had  been  aclive  inflruments 
in  fuppreffing  the  riots.  Their  claim  to  compen- 
fation  was  of  the  moll  forcible  nature.  They 
got  none. 

The  policy  of  fuch  a  meafure  is  no  lefs  evident 
than  its  juftice.  By  paying  only  the  fufferers  on 
one  fide,  congrefs  were  placing  thcmfelves  at  the 
head  of  a  party,  and  what  is  yet  worfe,  of  that  par- 
ty who  were  moft  in  the  wrong  ;  for,  after  the 
explanation  already  made,  candour  will  admit,  that 
the  outrages  perpetrated  by  the  whifliymen,  vanifk 
in  a  comparifon  with  the  barbarities  and  villainies 
committed  by  part  of  the  army,  and  of  its  conduce 


,..2  SKETCHES    OF   THE 

tors.   Now,  the  government  of  a  party  is,  in  itfelf, 
illegal,  and   but   for  the  fake  of  expediency,  de- 
lerves  no  attachment.  The  people  to  theweftward 
could  not  help  feeing,  and  reprobating  fiich  grofs 
partiality  againft  their   magiftrates,  and  other  fel- 
low citizens,  and  in  favour  of  excife  officers.  Their 
reientment  may,  at  this  time,  beheld  of  fmall  con- 
fequence.   But  they  are  a  growing  fociety.   In  the 
cenfus  of  1791,  the  four    counties  were  eftimated 
to  contain  about  feventy  thou  land  people.     At  pre- 
fent,  they  can  hardly  have  fewer  than  an  hundred 
thoufand,  and,  as   the   country  is    in  a  rapid  pro- 
grePiion,  twelve  years  more  will  double  their  num- 
bers.    In  new  fettlements,  the  proportion  of  able 
bodied   men    to  the    general    population   is    very 
great^'.     The  two  hundred  thoufand  inhabitants  of 
the  year    18 10,   will  probably  be  able   to   mufter 
forty    thoufand  armed    citizens.     The   mountains 
that  leper  ate  their  territory  from  the  Atlantic  coun- 
try are  equivalent  to  a  fecond  army.  The  mafters 
«f  Louifiana  and  Canada  will  be  ready  to  furnifli 
them  with    arms  ;  an    affiflance  equally  to  be  ex- 
pelled from  Spain,  France,  and  England.  In  cafe 
of  ferious  provocation,  and  actual  inlurreiTtion,  the 
memory  of  ancient  injuries  will  make  the  people 
defperate.     SheriffHamilton,  will  hardly  give  him- 
felf  up,  a  fecond  time  to  a  tribunal,  that  he  knows, 
by  experience,  to  be  prejudiced  and  defpotic.  In- 
flead  of  driving  to  cruih  mifchief,  he  may  poffibly, 
at  the  head  of  his  Mingo  creek  regiment,  fcize  a 
poft  on  the  Alleghany,  and  bid  defiance  to  congrefs 
and  excife.     Major  Powers  will  not  likely  become 
a  fecond  time,  an  embalfador  of  obedience,  that  he 
may  be  imprifoned,  for  eight  days,  at  the  point  of 
the  bayonet.     A  revolt  like  this,  would  far  better 

*  See  Hiftory  of  Vermont ;   a  ftate  wherein   more   than  a  fiftk 
par:  of  the  people  are  enrolled  in  ihc  militia. 


HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  1^5 

promote  the  views  of  Britifli  ambition  than  an  al- 
liance with  the  Miamis,  or  Simcoe's  pitiful  cpnipi- 
racy  with  the  Six  Nations.  On  this  fubjed:  the 
remark  of  general  Smith  was  very  fair.  "  Gen- 
^'  tlemen  fay  that  they  hope  there  will  be  no 
'^  more  infurrecTiions.  I  hope  fo  too.  But  docs 
"  that  infure^the  thing  f  I  lielieve  not  fir.  Nothing 
'^  was  farther  from  the  thoughts  of  the  houfc, 
*' at  lad  feilion,  than  an  infarre6lion^^''  This 
fliort  view  explains  the  impolicy  of  railing  at 
wefiern  people  in  the  mafs  ;  a  pradlice  fo  carefully 
followed  by  the  federal  party.  They  fiiould  like- 
wife  refiec^:^  upon  its  injuflice.  "  Though  out- 
"  rages  had  been  committed  on  excife  oincers,  yet 
"  no  flieriff  nor  conflable,  had  been  oppofed  in 
*'  arrefting  the  offenders.  They  had  been  brought 
"  in  upon  procefs,  and  profecuted  at  the  court. 
''  There  was  no  reafon  in  the  difrinflion  ;  but  it 
"  was  madc\J'  If  the  fix  per  cent,  orators  wants  a 
fecond  infurre^ion,  their  conRant  yelping  is  the 
mod  certain  way  to  raife  it.  The  fliortefl  method 
for  making. a  rafcal  of  any  man,  is  by  affuring  him 
that  you  know  him  to  be  one. 

The  fixth  article  of  the  amendments  to  the  con- 
ftitution  fays,  that  ^'  no  Vv^arrants  fliall  iiTue,  but 
*'  upon  probable  caufe,  fiipported  by  oath  or  affir- 
''  mation."  In  many  of  the  cafes  already  quoted^ 
the  fpirit  of  this  amendment  was  plainly  violated, 
and,  in  that  of  Powers,  even  the  letter  ;  for;  after 
being  kept  fo  long  a  prifoncr,  the  judge  difcharged 
him  without  even  examination. 

The  feventh  amendment  enjoins,  that  no  perfon 
fhall  "  be  deprived  of  life,  liberty,  or  property, 
*'  without  due  procefs  of  law  J^  The  fiiipulation  is 
illufivc,  by  the  generality  of  the  flile;  for,  the  con- 

*  Debates  of  congrefs,  January  ^th,  179^. 
+  Brackenridge,  vol.  I.  Chap,  I, 
V 


n4  SKETCHES    OF   THE 

ftitution  niould  either  have  defined  what  is  meant 

by  due  procejs^  or  ^t  ifTues  in  mere  words. 

The  eighth  amendment  declares,  that,  ''  in  all 
*'  criminal  profecutions,  the  accufed  fhall  enjoy  the 
*'  riglit  to  a  fpcedy  and  public  trial,  by  an  impartial 
^'  jury,  of  the  ftate  and  diftricl  wherein  the  crime 
*'  (liall  have  been  committed." 

This  amendment  is,  likewife,  unfatisfacflory ;  for 
2.  jpeecly  trial  is  an  indefinite  phrale,  that  may  be 
(] retched  to  intolerable  delay.  Thus,  in  the  cafes 
of  the  weftern  people,  about  fix  months,  or  up- 
wards, intervened  between  arrefhment  and  trial. 
This  was  any  thing,  furely,  but  fpeed.  The  word 
difiriCi  lies,  alfo,  open  to  objecftion.  The  flate  of 
Pennfylvania  is  a  diflridl  four  hundred  miles  broad. 
A  perfon  dragged  to  that  diftance,  a  whifl^ey  rioter, 
for  example,  is  completely  fcparated  from  his  con- 
nections, and  lofes  every  benefit  of  trial  by  jury 
from  the  vicinage.  The  very  length  of  the  journey 
is,  in  itfelf,  a  fevere  punifliment  to  any  man,  who 
has  bufinefs  to  mind.  Siippofe  that  he  gets  bail,  re- 
turns home,  comes  back  to  Philadelphia,  and  is  ac- 
quitted, or,  perhaps  the  grand  jury  throws  out  the 
bill,  fo  that  he  does  not  even  ftand  a  trial.  His  three 
journies  amount  to  twelve  hundred  miles,  which, 
at  twenty  miles  per  day,  employ  fixty  days.  His 
expences,  in  travelling,  cannot  belefsthan  a  dollar 
per  day,  and  his  lofs  of  time  about  as  much  more. 
Here  is  a  fine  of  more  than  an  hundred  dollars,  and, 
perhaps,  he  has  not  one  dollar  of  his  own.  This 
calculation  does  not  include  his  wafte  of  time  in  at- 
tending the  court,  and  three  prefatory  months  in 
prifbn,  before  he  could  find  bail  for  his  appearance, 
or,  perhaps,  before  judge  Peters  found  leifure  to 
examine  him.  To  the  pooreft  man  brought  from  the 
wxftern  country,  the  arreflment  mufb,  in  itfelf,  have 
been  equal  to  an  exadion  of  three  or  four  hundred 


HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  155 

dollars.  The  above  three  amendments  to  the  con- 
ftitution  point  out  no  explicit  principle  to  i>rote<Et 
him.  As  for  compenfation,  I  fuipecT:  that  no  writer 
on  law,  has  ever  fo  much  as  fuggeflied  a  hint  of  it. 
The  extreme  iniquity  of  this  omiffion  has  already- 
been  explained*.  Amidft  the  numerous  projects  for 
political  reformation,  I  have  never  met  with  an  ef- 
fedlual  remedy  propofed  for  arbritraryimpt'ijonment^ 
before  trial^  on  the  part  of  government. 

We  have  fecn  a  few  of  the  abufes  in  this  way, 
which  occurred  during  the  weftern  inrurre(ri:ion. 
While  they  can  be  repeated  with  impunity,  it  is 
raOi  to  fay  much  about  the  rights  and  liberties  of 
an  x\merican  citizen.  While  your  government  can 
apprehend  you,  make  you  walk  four  hundred  miles 
on  foot,  and  thereafter  lie  three  months  in  jail,  be- 
fore examination,  it  is  childifh,  it  is  i;ven  imperti- 
nent, to  raife  a  racket  about  the  fuperi  n-  public  vir- 
tue of  American  citfzens,  or  the  fupe^;ior  purity  of 
the  federal  conftitutibn.If  the  forrfer  had  fhone 
with  peculiar  fplendour,  it  is  likely,  that  a  certain 
judge  would,  long fince,  have  been  impeached,  fined^ 
anddifmifTed.  If  the  latter  had  been  as  excellent,  as 
it  is  faid  to  be,  it  would  have  held  out  a  warning 
fufficient  to  deter  him.  As  for  the  fecretary  of  the 
treafury,  his  non-impeachment  by  the  houfe  of  re- 
prefentatives,  was  an  eminent  neglect  of  duty.  It  is 
true  that  two-fifths  of  them,  or,  perhaps,  a  majo- 
rity, would  have  oppofed  any  motion  of  that  fort. 
The  fenate,  alfo,  were  fure  to  have  acquitted  the 
criminal.  Yetvdifficulties,  like  thefe,  ought  not  to 
hinder  an  honefl  member  of  congrefs  from  obeying 
the  di(5lates  of  his  confcience*  Some  eider  reprelen- 
tatives  affed  to  fmile  at  the  blunt  but  refpeclable 
Sncerity  of  colonel  Lyon,  of  Vermont.    It  would 

*  American  Annual  Rcgiller,  Ch^p.  X. 


10  SKETCHES    OF    THE 

be  well  for  the  country  if  every  member  dm'fl:  fpeak 

his  fentiments  with  as  much  honelly.  * 

To  the  amendments  "above  cited,  the  follow- 
ing addition  might  be  an  improvement.  ''  Every 
^^  man,  apprehended  for  any  crime,  fliall  be  entitled 
^'  to  an  examination  as  early  as  poflible  ;  to  bail, 
''  if  the  offence  be  bailable,  and  to  d  fpcedy  trial. 
*'  But  as  it  is  hnpolTible,  in  fuch  matters,  to  fix 
*'  a  precife  rule,  the  following  provifions  will  en- 
'^  lure  the  circumfpctflion  of  government  in  ifTu- 
*'  ing  warrants  to  apprehend  the  accufed,  and  its 
''  difpatch  iii  decidii;!g  their  fate.  From  the  day 
^'  of  his  arrefl,  till  that  of  trial,  he  (hall  receive 
*'  wholefome  and  plentiful  diet,  and  be  lodged  in 
''  an  apartment  dry,  and  as  well  aired  as  may  be*. 
'^  In  the  event  of  an  acquittal  he  fhall  be  entitled  to 
^^  treble  th^j  ordinary  wages  of  a  labourer,  in 
^-  that  part  jof  the  countr}'  where  he  refides  ;  or, 
^'  if  he  is  a  tradefman,  to  treble  the  wages  that  a 
'•  journeymai|:of  his  profeffion  can,  upon  a  medi- 
''  dium,  earn.  The  quantum  is  to  be  determined  by 
^'  a  jury  of  ^is  own  vicinage,  as  early  as  poflible, 
^-  after  his  d^fcharge.  Over  and  above  this  fum, 
*'  it  {hall  bear  a  weekly  compound  intereft  of  one 
^'  per  cent,  from  the  day  of  the  prifone-r  being  ap- 
^'  prehended,  until  the  day  that  hdAliall  be  ultimately 
^'  paid  the  balance  found  due  to  him  by  the  ver- 
*'  dicl  of  the  jury.  In  cafe  of  his  death  before' 
''  trial,  one  half  of  the  fums  fo  due,  on  his  being 
*'  acquitted,  lliall  be  awarded  to  his  nearefl   heir 

*  In  the  criminal  apartment  of  the  jail  of  PhiTadelpliia,  a  prifoncr 
IS  reftri<^kd  to  the  6'\ct  of  the  houfe,  that  is,  to  femi-ftarvation.  He 
is  not  even  allowed  to  buy  food  for  himfelf,  out  of  his  own  pocket. 
Thus,  even  6e/br^  trkiU  he  A  feverely  punilhed  by  famifie.  Ameri- 
cans ought  not  to  fpeak  pf  Algcrine  favagenefs,  while  fnch  enor- 
iT'ities  cxift  3;  home,  After  trial,  there  may  be  good  caufes  for  {liu- 


HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  ij7 

^^  at  law;  the  amount  being  f^xcd  as  aforcfaid, 
"  and  the  proportional  compound  interefl  conti- 
*' nuing  to  accumulate  till  the  day  of  payment. 
''  If  ftrong  fufpicions  remain  of  the  prlibner's 
*^  guilt,  or,  if  the  accidental  death  or  abfence  of  a 
''  witncfs  hath  mutilated  the  evidence  of  the  pnb~ 
''  lie  profecutor,  the  jury  of  the  vicinage  are  to 
"have  a  difcretionary  power  of  reducing  the  priu- 
"  cipal  fumto  one  half,  and  the  compound  intereft 
"  to  one  per  cent,  per  week  of  the  remaining  moi- 
*'  tey.  If  tiie  prilbner  (hall  be  compelled  to  travel 
'*  on  foot  for  more  than  fifty  miles  to  the  place  of 
*'  confinement,  or  of  trial,  he  faail  receive  at  the 
"  rate  of  one  day's  wages  for  every  thirty  miles 
"  fuch  of  diilance.  In  court,  he  is  to  be  allowed 
"  able  counfel,  and  any  reafonable  number  ofw.it- 
*'  nefFes,  whom  he  may  wifli  for,  [liail  be  paid 
at  public  expcnce.  His  damages,  on  acquittal, 
are  to  be  defrayed  by  the  county,  diftrid:,  or 
government,  at  whofe  inftance  he  has  been  tri- 
ed. If  his  health  flilFeres  materially  from 
"  bad  diet,  or  an  unwholeibme  apartment,  addi- 
"  tional  damages  maybe  afiigncd  at  the  difcretion 
"  of  the  jury.  For  the  time  of  his  enlargement  upon 
"  bail^  the  prifoner,  if  finally  acquitted,  (hall  only 
"  be  entitled  'to  the  expence  af  travelling  to  and 
"  from  the  place  where  he  refides." 

The  reader  may  fmiie  at  this  effufion  of  fancy, 
but  until  a  fimilar  regulation  fliall  be  adopted,  the  . 
conftitution  muft  labour  under  an  important  defecl. 
The  point  of  juftice  is  not  worth  an  argument, 
fmce  every  candid  heart  muft  echo  approbation. 
This  pradice  of  arbitrary  imprifonment,  both  be- 
fore and  after  trial,  has,  in  the  old  countries,  been 
an  inftrument  of  general  and  enormous  tyranny. 
In  Scotland,  when  a  culprit  had  been  condemned  to 
tranfportatioa  for  a  number  of  years,  it  was,  fomc- 


158  SKETCHES    OF    THE 

times,  two  or  three  years  before  government  fent 
him  off.  In  equity,  this  interval  (houkl  have  been 
dediicled  from  the  ipace  of  banifliment;  but  that 
was  Kot  the  practice.  The  following  anecdote 
refers  to  this  cuflom.  It  is  publifhed  here  by  way 
of  confolation,  as  fhewing  that  public  juftice  can- 
not be  more  ftupid  or  brutal  in  America,  than  flie' 
often  is  in  Europe.  Not  many  years  ago,  twb 
brothers  were  capitally  convicTted  at  Edinburgh 
for  houie  breaking.  One  of  them  was  to  be  refpi- 
ted  ;  but,  by  a  blunder  in  drawing  out  khc  paper, 
the  wrong  chriftian  name  crept  in,  and  on  this  mit 
take  he  u-as  hung.  Tke  furvivor,  whom  it  had 
faved,  undcrv/cnt  a  long  and  painful  imprifonment, 
till,  feeing  no  termination  of  mifcry,  he  attempted 
aa  efcape.  He  was  detecled,  and  the  blood-thirfty 
bench  inftantly  obtained  from  the  king  an  order 
for  his  execution.  One  of  their  lordiliips,  lefs  bar- 
barous than  the  reft,  obferved  that  the  imprifon- 
ment which  this  man  had  endured  was  too  dread- 
ful for  human  patience,  and  hinted  that  he  was  a 
much  fitter  objeft  of  pity  than  of  a  halter.  The 
remark  was  in  vain,  for  pity  very  feldom  touches 
the  breafl:  of  a  judge,  or  at  leail  of  a  Scots  one. 

From  this  excurfion,  v/e  go  back  to  the  propo- 
fcd  amendment.  As  government  is  ere<fl:ed  for  an 
univerfal  difpenfation  of  juftice,  it  is  completely 
monflrous  that  government  itfelf  fliould  be  placed 
beyond  the  reach  of  julHce.  With  regard  to  ac- 
quitted pi'ifoncrs,  nobody  can  deny  the  fa«fl.  When 
a  man  is  apprehended  either  here,  or  in  Europe, 
for  a  capital  offence,  he  is  often  half  flarved  to 
death,  of  cold  and  hunger,  before  his  trial  comes 
on.  If,  in  the  fequel,  he  mufl  die,  that  alone  is 
.enough  ;  and  if  he  is  difch^rged,  the  court  can 
make  no  atonement  equal  to  his  previous  fufferings. 
Thus  is  Jurifprudence  transformed  into  aprofUtute, 


HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  159 

a  daemon,  fuch  as  (he  diiplayed  herfelf  on  the  wei- 
tern  expedition. 

To  an  acquitted  prifoner  the  retribution  propofed 
cannot  be  thought  extravagant.  Even  with  the  pre- 
vious aiTurance  of  fafety,  if  that  were  pofTibie,  a 
labourer,  or  a  journeyman  mechanic,  would  much 
rather  continue  at  the  axe  or  the  anvil,  than  undergo 
a  fcene  that,  like  a  in  ail  on  the  wall,  is  fure  of 
leaving  flime  behind  it.  The  treble  Vv^ages  offer  no 
temptation.  To  a  perfon  in  extenfive  bufmefs,  they 
offer  much  worfe  than  none.  They  hold  out  the 
profpeft  of  certain  lols,  which,  however,  he  is  bet- 
XGr  able  to  fapport  thc:n  a  poorer  man.  The  com- 
pound intercil:  would  enfure  expedition,  as  thofe  in 
hazard  of  paying  it,  would  effedually  fpur  the 
judge  to  an  early  difcharge  of  his  duty.  The  tra- 
velling expences  might  tend  to  moderate  the  incon- 
venient diRance  to  which  a  perfon  accufed  may 
fometimcs  be  dragged.  The  probability  of  retri- 
bution could  hold  out  no  encouragement  to  real 
guilt ;  befides,  that  the  jury  of  the  vicinage 
could  cut  compenfation  through  the  middle- 
The  chance  of  paying  fmartly  for  miftakes  would 
render  a  court  cautious  in  granting  warrants.  The 
fame  profpecT:  would  retard  the  acquittal  of  a  pri- 
foner, when  he  is  known  to  be  guilty.  On  the 
3d  of  March,  1795,  ^^^^  ^^Y  ^^^  which  the  third 
congrefs  diffolved,  Mr.  Dexter  laid  before  the  houfc 
of  reprefentatives  a  relolution  for  mitigating,  in 
fome  inftances,  the  feverity  of  penal  laws.  He 
faid,  that  he  had  known  a  prifoner  come  to  the  bar 
laughing,  becaufe,  though  guilty,  he  knew  before 
hand  that  the  jury  would  acquit  him.  Condemning 
the  feverity  of  the  law,  they  refufcd  to  condemn 
the  prifoner.  JuRice,  or  cruelty  overfliot  its  mark  ; 
and  he  was  difcharged  in  contempt  of  evidence. 
But  if  the  jury  knew  that  fuch  an  ^Cz  of  perjury. 


i62  SKETCHES    OF    THE 

on  their  part,  was  to  produce  a  heavy  fine  on  the 
county  or  diftrit^,  we  fhould  hear  no  more  of  this 
corrupted  mercy.  It  would  refletH:  fingular  dignity 
on  the  jurifprudence  of  America,  to  fet  the  firft  ex- 
ample to  the  world  of  fuch  a  magnanimous  regula- 
tion. It  might  blunt  the  derifion  that  pofterity  muft 
feel,  at  thofe  torrents  of  felf  applaufe  which  the 
prcfent  age  iiath  fo  bountifully  poured  upon  itfelf. 
Such  an  article  in  the  conflitution  would  augment 
the  fafcty,  and  promote  the  indemnification  of  in-.- 
iiocence,  while,  at  the  fame  time,  it  multiplied  the 
dangers  of  guilt.  Of  fuch  an  article  every  party 
may,  in  turn,  feel  the  benefit,  or  fuffer  by  the  want. 
The  unavenged  excefTes  of  the  fall  of  1794,  P^ove, 
that,  till  fomething  of  this  nature  fliall  be  adopted, 
the  v&unted  liberties  of  America  are  but  the  frag- 
ments of  a  fyftem.  If  the  fixth  year  of  our  govern- 
ment hath  reached  fuch  Mamaluke  maturity  of  def- 
potifm,  what  prodigies  may  be  expeiSled  in  the  ac- 
cumulation of  a  century ! 

Here  it  may  be  ufeful  to  notice  another  defe<n:  in 
the  federal  conftitution.  The  king  of  England  can, 
at  ple^iure,  diffolvehis  parliament.  Whenever  they 
become  unmanageable,  he  has  a  right  of  directing 
them  to  difperfe.  If  they  negletfl  his  orders,  there 
is  nothing  to  hinder  his  guards  from  fliooting  them, 
under  the  riot  a^l.  This  royal  privilege  has  ob- 
vious and  dreadful  confequences  to  the  indepen- 
dence of  parliament.  A  member  in  oppofition, 
has,  perhaps,  expended  one-half  of  his  eflate  in 
canvafTing  for  his  borough.  By  a  fingle  meffagc 
from  the  crown,  the  labour  of  years,  and  the  svafte 
itf  ten  thoufand  guineas  are  rendered  abortive;  and 
he  muft,  afecond  time,  contend  with  the  profufion 
of  minifterial  bribery.  Charles  the  iirfl  confented 
to  fufpend  this  prerogative ;  and  that  overfight  paved 
the  way  to  the  foundation  of  the  commonwealth 


HiS'rORY  OF    AMERICA.  i^t 

bf  England.  It  was  by  a  bold  exertion  of  the  right 
of  di(r©lation,  that  William  Pitt,  in  1784,  broke  up 
the  coalition  parliament .  The  expedient  has  been 
often  adopted.  It  is  a  fure  card  in  the  hand  of  a  de- 
cifive  minifler,  and  one  of  the  flrongefl  links  in  the 
chain  of  corrupted  influence. 

With  fuch  an  example  before  them,  the  framers 
of  the  conftitution  of  1787,  have  granted,  in  fab- 
fiance,  the  very  fame  prerogative  to  the  prefident. 
They  could  not  have  betrayed  a  flrongcr  mark  of 
incapacity.  In  article  ii.  fec^ioniii.  are  thefe  words  : 
*'  He  may,  on  extraordinray  occafions,  convene 
"  both  houfcs,  or  either  of  them  ;  and,  in  cafe  of 
"  difagreement  between  them,  with  refped  to  the 
''  time  of  adjournment,  he  may  adjourn  them  to  fuch 
''  time  as  HE  fJjall  think  proper .^^ 

In  article  i.  fection  ii.  it  is  provided,  that  ''  con- 
*'  grefs  fliall  aflemble  at  leaffc  once  in  every  year.'^ 
The  prefidential  privilege  reduces  this  rule  to  a 
nullity.  Before  they  have  been  a  week  in  feflion, 
his  fenate  may  propofe  an  adjournment.  The  two 
houfes  difagree,  and  the  prefident  determines  that 
they  fliali  rife.  With  a  view  to  this  emergency,  the 
appropriation  bill  may  be  ported  through  botii 
houfcs  within  a  i^v7  days  after  they  fit  down.  If  the 
reprefentatives  become  rcflive,  he  can  difmifs  them^ 
without  an  appropriation  aft.  He  has  only  to  quote 
the  precedent  of  Mr.  Wafhington,  and  march  to 
the  bank  or  the  treafury* 


i6t  SKETCHES    OF   THI: 


CHAPTER    VIIL 


Dr>  Aynes  ,~R€:-narks  on  kii  fpeech  on  the  Bt'itlfli 
treaty,  Projeci  of  the  jeitate^  m  1"]%^^  for  intro- 
diicijigtitles , — Thomas  Paine, — Refolntmis  of  con* 

.  ■grefs  in  his  favour,  -—The  fpeech  of  B arras  to 
Monroe. — Mr,  Fenno.' — Examination  of  the  dij^ 
patches  of  Mr.  Pinckney^  and  the  condiid  of  Mr, 
Adams. — Defence  of  the  French  directory ,^--Phi^ 
neas  Bond. — Ruffian  treaty  with  •England. — On 
the  hanks  of  Philadelphia. ^ — Partiality  againfl  the 
republicati  party  in  granting  dif counts. — Fatal  ef 
fed  to  Ainerican  manufadures  from  a72  excefs  of 

,  paper  moneys  ajid  from  iif  try . — Citation  fro7n  Mr, 
Fenno. — From  Fauchet. — Card  from  Mr,  Muh- 
lenberg, 

'^N  April  28th,  1796,  Dr.  Ames  deli- 
vered, in  congrefs,  a  fpeech  in  defence  of  the  Bri- 
tifli  treaty.  ''  If  a  treaty/'  fays  he,  "  left  king 
'•  George  his  ifland,  it  would  not  anfwer  ;  not  if 
*'  he  flipulated  to  pay  rent  for  it.^'  fThis  is  wild 
exaggeration.]  '*•  It  has  been  faid,  [And  pray,  by 
whom  has  it  been  faid  ?  fbr  no  fuch  language  ever 
addreiled  the  ears  of  cdngrefs.]  ''  the  world  ought 
"  to  rejoice  if  Britain  was  funk  in  the  fea  5  if,  where 
^'  there  are  now  men,  and  wealth,  and  laws,  and 
''  liberty,  there  was  no  more  than  a  fand-bank  for 
*'  the  fea  monders  to  fatten  on  ;  a  fpacc  for  the 
''  florms  of  the  ocean  to  mingle  in  conflid*." 

*  Bache's  Debates,  Vol.  II.  p.  319, 


HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  165 

Dr.  Ames  has  not  fpecifled  where,  or  by  whom 
this  object  of  rejoicinn;  wa<s  propoied.  If  any  demo- 
cratical  member  of  congrefs  had  uttered  that  wifli, 
Mr.  Fcnno  v/oald  liave  refrefiied  the  public  with 
an  hundred  editions  of  it.  To  afcribe  to  a  party 
opinions  which  they  do  not  hold  is  uncandid,  and 
ferves  only  to  embitter  poHtical  animofity.  This 
Citation  helps  to  afccrtain  the  credit  due  to  fome 
other  aflTertions  in  that  fpeech"*. 

In  a  note  fubjoined  to  this  fpeech,  Dr.  Ames  adds, 
that  the  prefent  war  "  has  done  more  injury  to  the 
**  morals  and  happme/s  of  nations  than  all  the  wars 
^^  of  the  laii  century."  As  to  the  quantity  of  blood 
fhed  in  the  revolution,  the  party  have  already  been 
told,  and  they  dare  not  deny  the  facl,  that,  in  Ben- 
gal only,  the  Englidi  have  deftroyed  about  as  many 
people  as  the  late  kingdom  of  France  contained. 
Stale  obje^lions  deierve  flale  anfwers.  The  guillo- 
tine is  tender  mercy  compared  wdth  the  rack  and 
the  wheel,  both  of  which  have  been  aboliflied  by 
the  revolution.  It  has  like  wife  put  an  end  to  the 
French  Have  trade,  which  England  continuesto  cul- 
tivate. Robefpierre,  and  his  chief  accomplices,  ex- 
piated their  crimes  on  the  fcaffold ;  and  even  they 
were  not  worfe  than  Turrene,  ravaging  the  Pala- 
tinate, than  Cromwell,  extirpating  the  Iritli  nation, 
than  the  New-England  faints,  of  the  iafl  century, 
burning  witches,  or,  than  the  Connecticut  tories, 
with  Brandt  and  Butler  at  their  head,  breaking  up 
the  fettlement  of  Wioming.  Smith's  Wealth  of  Na- 
tions, and  Arthur  Young's  Travels  through  France, 
will  inform  Dr.  Ames,  that,  as  to  morals  and  hap- 
pinefs^  2l  very  large  majority  of  the  French  nation 
could  fear  no  change  for  the  worfe.  They  have  freed 

*  Something  likp  this  hath  been  qaoted,  be  an  eminent  federal 
writer,  as  from  The  Politcal  frogrefs  of  Brita^i  where  m  fucb  feoU-? 
mcijt  is  to  be  found;} 


554  SKETCHES    OF    THE 

themfeives  from  an  opprcliivc  monarchy  and  nobi-* 
lity;  and  from  a  clergy  of  enormous  c^spence.  The 
government,  as  in  the  United  States,  is  reprefenta-- 
tive,  and  religion  left  at  liberty.  The  French  were 
jufl  as  .well  entitled  to  freedom  as  the  Americans. 
Their  revolution  has  been  attended  with  much  vi- 
olence and  iniquity;  but  fo  was  ours.  In  the  affair 
of  September,  1797,  the  fim.ple  exile  of  the  vanquiih- 
ed  leaders,  difplays  unexampled  lenity.  The  French 
have  not  merely  freed  themfeives.  They  have  like- 
M^fe  delivered  other  nations  from  flavery.  The 
perfidious  lladtholder  is  expelled  from  his  office. 
The  bifliop  of  Liege  no  longer  uplifts  a  revenue  from 
the  gaming  tables  of  Aix-la-Chapelle.  Flanders, 
Nice,  and  Savoy,  are  admitted  to  fliare  in  the  go- 
vernment of  the  republic.  The  Auftrian  ufurpers 
are  driven  from  Italy ;  and,  in  a  few  years,  the 
whole  peninfula  will  enjoy  a  reprefentative  govern- 
ment. The  corporation  of  German  tyrants  hath 
been  fliaken  to  the  root,  and  lopped  of  numerous 
branches.  Every  campaign  has  been  pregnant  with 
horrors,  but  not  more  fo  than  thofeof  former  w^ars. 
The  progrefs  of  republican  principles  hath  been 
gradual,  but  irrefiililjle.  Mankind  begin  to  fee  that 
they  are  capable  of  legifiating  for  themfeives,  and 
to  laugh  at  their  previous  veneration  for  cmperora 
and  kings. 

This  prolpecl  ought  to  gladden  the  heart  of  a  true 
republican  ;  but  the  AmericaH  revolution  feems  to 
have  gone  too  far  for  the  feelings  of  many  people 
in  this  country.  No  fooner  had  the  New-Englanders 
got  rid  of  their  Britifli  monarch,  than  a  confider- 
able  part  of  them  beg'^n  to  look  out  for  fomething 
very  like  another.  It  was  chiefly  through  them  that 
the:  new  conflitution  conferred  fuch  immenfe  power 
iuid  influence  on  Ibe  office  of  prefident.  And,  ever 
ijncej  molt  of  the  New-England  members  of  con- 


HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  163 

grefs  have  been  diipofed  to  ftrain  his  prerogatives, 
Obferve  what  follows. 

The  conftitLition,  article  i.  fec^ion  ix.  claiife  vii. 
fays  that  "  no  title  of  nobility  fhali  be  granted  by 
"  the  United  States."  On  April  24th,  1789,  the 
reprefentatives  received  a  mefTage  from  the  fcnatc. 
It  ftated,  that  they  had  appointed  a  committee  to 
confider  "  w\\9.tj?ile  or  titles  it  will  be  proper  to 
''  annex  to  the  office  of  prefident  and  vicc-prefi- 
''  dent,  if  any  other  than  thofe  given  in  the  confH- 
^'  tution/'  The  reprefentatives  refufed  their  con- 
currence, and  the  affair  was  dropt.  Nothing  coul4 
in  itfelf,  be  more  defpicable,  nothing  could  be  more 
oppofite  even  to  the  letter  of  the  conftitution,  or 
betray  a  (Ironger  tafte  for  monarchy  than  this  pro- 
pofal.  The  conftitution  prohibits  titles  of  nobility. 
The  fenate  recommend  titles^  and  certainly  not  of 
degradation.  Of  courfe  they  mufl:  have  been  adap- 
ted, like  the  fimilies  of  Mr.  Baycs,  to  elevate  and 
furprife.  Moft  ferene,  moil  potent,  moft  illuftrious, 
or  any  luggage  of  that  kind,  would  have  excited 
ridicule  inftead  of  refpctl.  But  in  fmiling  at  the 
childifhnefs  of  the  fcheme,  wc  ihould  not  overlook 
its  ultimate  tendency.  The  nsxt  propofalwas,  pro- 
bably, to  have  been  by  what  title  fnali  members 
addrefs  each  other  ;  and  the  continent  might  foon 
have  refounded  with  babbling  appellations. — *'  This 
^'  day  his  grace  the  moft  ferene  John  Adams,  vice- 
"  prefident,  Sec,  fet  out  for  his  feat  at  Braintree.— - 
'*'  Laft  night  arrived,  in  this  city  from  Mount 
"  Vernon,  his  high  mightinefs,  the  niofl  potent  and 
*'  illuftrious  George  Wa(l]ington,&c. — To-morrov/ 
*'  his  excellency,  the  right  honom'able  Alexander 
''  Hamilton,  ^yith  his  lady,  and  their  fuite  proceed 
''  to  New- York,  on  a  vifit  to  his  excellency  the 
*'  mod  illullrious  colonel  Duer.- — Their  ferene 
'«'  higlmeffes,  the  moll  puifTant  the  fenate  of  the 


!6<>  SKETCHES    OF    THE 

*'  United  States,  have  rcfolvcd that  in  futiire  itfliali 
"  not  be  lawfiil  for  any  fenator  to  pick  his  teeth, 
^*  to  yawn,  or  emit  the  like  fymptoms  of  intellec- 
^'  tual  vacancy,  till  half  an  hour  after  prayers  have 
''  been  finiihed/'  It  was  from  the  fame  fpirit,  that 
MeUrs.  Dexter  and  Sedgwick  wanted,  on  the  ift 
of  January,  1795',  to  engraft,  on  our  government, 
a  foreign  nobility*.  In  both  inftances,  the  innova- 
tion would  have  raifed  infinite  difcontent,  and  it 
vi^as  to  produce  no  good  efFed:  of  any  kind.  It 
breathed  the  pare  fpirit  of  dijorganizntion  ;  a  fa- 
vourite term  of  reproach  with  the  federal  party. 
On  titles,  Thomas  Paine  has  written  with  great 
faccefs  ;  and  this  is  one  reafon  why  the  friends  of 
order  hate  him,  Abufe  of  this  author  is  now  as 
naturally  expected  in  a  federal  newfpaper  as  tea  and 
chocolate  in  a  grocery's  flore.  To  fuch  things,  com- 
pare two  refolutions  of  congrefs  of  the  26th  of  Au- 
gull,  and  3d  of  October  1785.  In  confequence  of  his 
''  early,  unfolicited,  and  continued  labours  in  ex- 
*'  plaining  and  enforcing  the  principles  of  the  late 
^'  revolution,  by  ingenious  and  timely  publications, 
''  upon  the  nature  of  liberty,  and  civil  govern- 
''  ment,"  they  direct  the  board  of  treafury  to  pay 
him  three  thoufand  dollars.  This  atteftation  out-? 
weighs  the  clamour  of  the  fix  per  cent,  orators. 
They  dread,  they  revile,  and  if  able,  they  would 
perfecute  Thomas  Paine,  becaufc  he  pofTelTes  ta^ 
lents  and  courage  fufficient  to  rend  afunder  the 
mantle  of  fpeculation,  and  to  delineate  the  ricketty 
growth  of  our  public  debt. 

In  his  fpeech  to  congrefs,  on  May  i6th,  1797, 
Mr.  Adams  complains  heavily  of  France,  as  wan- 
ting to  promote  civil  difcord  in  America.  The  pajC- 
^age  that  has  almofl  produced  a  French  war,  claims 


*  See  American  Annual  RegiSer,  Chap, 


\T 


HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  1^7 

pcirticular  notice,  and  is  in  thefe  words.  France 
''  will  not  abafe  herfelf  by  calculating  the  confe- 
^'  quences  of  the  condefcenfion  of  the  American 
^'  government  in  liftening  to  the  fnggeftioiis  of  her 
''  former  tyrants.  Moreover,  the  French  repub- 
''  iichopesthat  the  fucceilbrs  of  Columbus,  Fvaleigh, 
*'  andPenn,  always  proud  of  their  liberty,  will  ne- 
''  ver  forget  that  they  owe  it  to  France,  They 
''  will  v/eighin  their  wifdom  the  magnanimous  be- 
''  nevoience  of  the  French  people  v/ith  the  crafty 
''  careiTcsof  certain  perfons  who  meditate  bringing 
''  them  back  to  their  former  flavery."  Thefe  were 
the  words  of  Barras,  prefident  of  the  diredory, 
on  the  30th  December,  1796,  in  his  farewell  reply 
to  Mr.  Monroe.  The  ftile  betrays  oflentation  that 
might  have  been  fpared  ;  and  contempt  which  has 
been  deferved  ;  but  not  a  fpirit  of  anim.ofity.  It 
is  certain  that,  humanly  Ipeaking,  America  could 
not  have  compelled  Cornwallis  to  furrender,  but 
for  the  interference  of  France;  and  even  the  va- 
nity of  a  felfilh  benefa^Slor  fliould  be  endured 
with  refped:.  It  would  have  been  wife  in  the 
prefident  to  take  no  notice  whatever  of  this  fatiri- 
cal  flight.  He  opened  the  door  to  fuch  harangues 
as  had  not  before  been  heard  in  congrefs.  AiBong 
other  polite  repartees,  Mr.  Thatcher  obferved  that 
Barras  mull:  have  been  either  jnad  or  drimk.  Tlius, 
in  half  a  minute,  we  turned  the  balance  of  ci- 
vility to  the  fide  of  France. 

But  there  is  the  bed  reafon  for  affirmlnp;  that  the 
indignation  of  Mr.  Adams  was  affetPred  ;  that  he 
wanted  to  find  a  pretence  for  quarrelling  with  the 
republic  ;  and  that,  if  expreffions  far  llronger  than 
thofe  of  Barras  had  been  employed  by  lord  Gren- 
A^ille,  not  a  murmur  would  have  been  heard  about 
them.     We  fliall  examine  each  of  thefe  tv.^o  points, 

Fir/l^  That  the   prefident  defired,  and  fliU  dc- 


tU  SKETCHES    or    TH£ 

Tires,  a  French  rupture,  is  evident  from  bis  patrtJii- 
age  of  the  Gazette  of  the  United  States.  Its  edi- 
tor, Mr.  Fenno,  is  printer  to  the  fenate,  and  a§ 
much  at  the  nod  of  Mr.  Adams,  and  of  them, 
as  their  clerk  or  door  keeper.  He  vindicates  all 
the  meafurcs  of  the  federal  party;  and,  fmce 
the  beginning  of  the  French  revolution,  he  has 
railed  at  that  people  in  the  moil  violent  tone. 
The  following  paragraphs  are  copied  from  his 
newfpaper,  fo  late  as  the  20th  of  September, 
1797.  Read  them  ;  and  then  af]^  yourfelf  whether 
Mr.  Adams  and  his  fenate  can  be  fmcere  in  wifhinix 
for  a  reconeilement  with  France  ?  While  they 
countenance  the  publifner  of  fuch  invetflives,  they 
cannot  be  fuppofed  either  to  expert  or  defire  Frencli 
amity.  It  is  of  the  utmoft  importance  to  afcertain 
whether  our  executive  is  ferious  in  its  efforts  for 
pacification.  Judge  if  the  following  language  is 
of  that  fort. 

''  By  the  advices  this  day  publiflied,  it  is  rcn- 
''  dered  probable  that  the  conftitution-makers  of 
"  fans-cullotte  land,  that  great  nurfery  of  pirates, 
••^  alTaffins,  and  robbers,  are,  ere  this,  once  more 
'•'  blozun  up,"  [Thfs  is  abundantly  brutal,  but  the 
v/ritcr  goes  from  bad  to  worfe.] 

^'  A  new,  long,  and  violent  conteft  will  fucceed  * 
*'  but  the  iflue  will  be  favourable  to  France,  and 
''  mankind.  The  ya^q  Jhall  have  his  own  again  ; 
PThis  is  charming  doctrine  for  a  republic.  Few 
people  will  hereafter  be  hardy  enough  to  deny 
that  there  is  a  monarchical  faction  among  us  ;  and 
as  the  printer  is  the  mere  organ  of  his  employers, 
it  is  but  candid  to  rank  Mr.  x\dams,  and  his  fede- 
ral majority  in  the  fenate,  as  the  leaders  of  that 
fatfcion.J  "  and  America  and  the  world  flaall  have* 
"  peace.  Adieu,  then,  to  Meflidor,  and  Prairial^ 
*'  to  Nivofe,  Pluvoifcj  and  Ventofe,  and  Sans-Cul- 


HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  i6^ 

^^  lotides,  and  all  the  long  train  of  cabaliRic  non- 
"  fenfe,  which  have  poifoned  the  French  name  in 
"  all  quartej's  of  the    world. 

*'  Surge,  [he  means  Mr.  Bache,]  take  thy  h(h 
^^  fubfidy  ;  feize  on  it  quickly,  for  thy  mafters,  ere 
"  this,  are  no  more.  Thy  occupation's  gone  !*^ 
[Every  body  knows  in  what  way  Mr.  Fenno  is 
fubfidizcd.  As  for  Surgo,  the  French  do  not  value 
the  fentinients  of  America,  and  v/ouldfcorn  to  hire 
a  printer  for  attempting  to  direct  them.  To 
the  arms  of  the  United  States  the  republic  is  about 
as  impregnable  as  the  moon.  She  can  bombard 
our  fea-ports,  deftroy  our  commerce,  and  leave 
us  to  kick  again fi  t/ie  pricks '^K 

But  v/hile  the  prefidcntial  gazette  cjc^^s  fuch 
filth,  we  cannot,  in  reafon,  hope  for  a  favourable 
conclufion  from  the  triumvirate  embaffy.  Indeed, 
if  our  envoys  pofTefs  common  fenfibility,  theymufl 
look  fomewhat  foolif^!,  if  they  are  admitted  into 
the  prefence  ofBarras.  Put  the  cafe  that  he  ha3 
on  the  table  before  him  a  volume  of  Mr,  Fenno's 
iievw^fpaper,  and  that  he  fliall  afK  them  who  are  the 
patrons  and  prompters  of  that  editor  ?  Their  an- 
iV/er,  if  they  ipeak  truth,  muft  be,  that  it  is  the 
funnel  ef  government.  He  may  then  tell  them 
that  they  are  hypocritical  rafcals  ;  that,  with  the 
olive  branch  in  one  hand,  they  hold  a  flink-pot  in 
the  other  ;  that,  in  the  midft  of  fuch  publications, 
their  embaffy  is  an  additional  infult  ;  and  that  they 
may  be  thankful  to  get  fafely  out  of  the  territo- 
ries of  the  republic. 

The  refiiive  and  fuUen  demeanour  of  Charles 
Cotefv/orth  Pinckney,  at  Paris,  was  both  ufelefs  and 

*  Sixteen  days  before  this  prediciion  ifTued  from  the  prefidential 
prefs,  the  ftorm  had  burft  at  Paris ;  and  like  every  one  that  we«t 
fecfore  it,  has  eaded  in  the  ruia  of  the  royal  partizani.     ^ 


37©  SKETCHES   OF   ITHE 

impertinent.  It  defer ved  no  part  of  that  pralfe; 
conferred  on  it  by  Mr.  Gilesj  and  other  members, 
in  the  kte  feffion  of  congrefs.  France,  in  thepcr- 
fon  of  her  reprefentative,  had  endured  a  thoufand 
affronts  from  the  preifes  of  Philadelphia.'  She 
had  finally,  and  with  intimation  of  her  difgufl,  re- 
called citizen  Adct.  She  did  not,  however,  enjoin 
Tvlr.  Monroe  to  quit  Paris,  but  a  fuccelTor  having 
been  appointed  in  his  room,  this  removal  prefen- 
ted  a  decent  opportunity  for  getting  entirely  quit 
of  American  ambaiTadors.  If  Monroe  had  not  been 
recalled,  it  is  Jikely  that  he  might  ftill  have  been 
permitted  to  reniain  at  Paris.  America  would  then 
have  efcaped  from  eighty  thoufand  dollars  of  ex- 
pence,  on  account  of  the  late  extra  feffion  of  con- 
grefs, befides  about  thirty  or  forty  thoufand,  as  the 
extra  charges  of  theprefent  triple  deputation*.  What 
was  yet  more  important,  fhe  would  have  efcaped 
from  the  fpeech  of  the  i6th  of  May,  1797  ;  from 
all  the  improper  harangues  of  which  it  was  the 
fountain  head  ;  and  from  all  the  bad  effeds  which 
are  to  be  expelled  by  the  farther  irritation  of  France. 
As  the  republic  had  recalled  her  ambaffador 
from  the  United  States,  flic  could  not  be  fuppo- 
fcd  anxious  for  the  refidence  of  an  American  en- 
voy at  Paris.  My  declaration,  that  I  fhall  no  lon- 
ger enter  your  houfe,  amounts  to  a  tacit  prohibi- 
bition  of   your  coming  into  mine.     Befides,   the 

*  The  exaft  amount  of  this  expence  cannot  yet  be  ftated,  Mr. 
Wolcott,  in  his  report  and  eftimates  for  1797>  p.  16.  reckons  nine 
thoufand  dollars,  as  the  outfit  of  an  ambaflador  to  FraHce.  We 
have  at  pr*  fent  two  fuch  outfits,  befides  thaf  ofFinckney.  This 
comes  in  all  to  twenty-feven  thoufand  dollars,  that  might  have  been 
faved  by  letting  JVlonroe  keep  his  place.  As  for  falary,  Mr,  Wolcott 
fiates  four  foreign  minifters,  at  nine  thoufand  dollars  each,  and 
•ne  at  four  thoufand  five  hundred.  At  the  lowefl:  rate,  the  ex- 
pence  of  three  minifters  to  France  will  come  to  thirteen  thoufand 
five  hundred  dollars^  per  annum,  inftcad  of  paying  only  one  falary. 


HISTORY    OF    AMERICA,  171 

tlire^ory  well  knew  why  Monroe  was  recalled. 
His  crime  confifled  in  2  cordial  attachment  to  the 
French  revolution.  They  were,  therefore,  to  look 
with  a  jealous  eye  on  the  perfon  appointed  to 
fucceed  him.  This  alone  would  have  enfured 
to  Mr.  Pinckney  a  cold  reception  ;  even  if  the 
recall  of  Adet  had  not  afforded  a  plaufible  reafou 
for  refufing  to  receive  him.  He  was  wrong  for 
not  leaving  France,  on  the  firfl  injuntSlion  of  de- 
parture. He  improved  his  delay  into  a  quar- 
rel with  the  French  minifter.  Hence  it  was  highly 
injudicious  in  Mr.  Adams  to  fend  him  back,  as  he 
has  done,  a  fecond  time.  This,  in  itfelf,  is  a  fpe- 
cies  of  difrefpec^  to  the  French  government.  If 
peace  with  the  republic  was  the  point  in  view, 
the  furefl  way  would  have  been  to  fend  back  J^t- 
ferfon  or  Monroe.  The  directory  would  recog- 
Dize  them,  not  merely  as  ambalfadors,  but  as  liVends, 
From  fuch  a  deputation  there  would  at  lead  be  a 
chance  for  the  return  of  mutual  confidence.  From 
the  prefent  choice  of  envoys  there  can  be  but  little^. 
That  it  was  improper  to  fend  Mr.  Pinckney  back 
to  France,  appears  from  kis  own  printed  correfpon- 
dence.  It  contains  various  exprellions  highly  difre- 
fpedful  to  the  diredory.  The  remarks  may  be  very 
juft,  but  the  good  policy  of  Mr.  Adams,  in  expof- 
ing  them  to  the  world,  admits  of  doubt.  Mr.  Pinck- 
ney gave  his  letters  of  credence  to  the  French  mi- 
nifler,  De  la  Croix,  on  December  9th,  1796.  On 
the  I  ith,  the  latter  informed  Mr.  Monroe,  that  no 
envoy  could  be  received,  till  America  had  granted 
the  redrefs  of  grievances  demanded  by  France. 

*  When  Mr.  Walbington  wanted  to  gain  the  good  will  of  England, 
he  fcnt  over  Jay,  the  profeffed  advocate  of  the  Britilh  intereft  in 
America.  To  fecure  its  continuance,  he  next  difpatched  Rufus 
King,  a  perfon  of  the  fame  priucipkSt  France  has  an  eaual  title 
10  attention  of  tHi  kind. 


172  SKETCHES    OF    THE 

De  la  Croh:,  by  addrefling  Monroe,  gave  a  broad 
enough  hint  that  he  wanted  to  have  no  bufmefs  with 
Pinckney.  Yet,  next  morning,  our  envoy  fent  him 
a  long  letter,  enquiring,  whether  hcfiiould  quit  the 
republic.  ^On  the  15th,  the  French  miniPier  lignifi- 
ed  his  opinion,  that  this  was  the  defiie  of  the  direc- 
tory ;  but  that  he  would  conflilt  them  again.  Mr. 
Pinckne}^  HooJ  on  the  ground  of  diplomatic  privi- 
leges, though  he  adds,  that  the  directory  had  recent- 
ly lent  off  thirteen  foreign  miniflers.  On  the  26th, 
he  again  fent  to  enquire  of  De  la  Croix,  whether 
he  might  redde  in  the  republic.  He  received  a 
fliarp  anfvver,  which  his  fecretary  Vv/ anted  the 
French  miniller  to  put  into  writing.  This  was  re- 
fafed,  witli  fome  bad  humour.  De  la  Croix  wonder- 
ed at  Mr.  Pinckney,  for  having  flaid  fo  long,  after 
he  ha*'  been  informed  that  it  was  impoffible  to  al- 
low him.  Still  he  lingered  in  Paris,  till  the  5th  of 
the  enfuing  February,  having  teafed  the  dire»ftory, 
till  they  gave  him  a  written  order  to  quit  the  French 
territories.  His  letter,  conveying  this  lafl  news,  con- 
cludes v/ith  an  ardent  wifii  for  a  return  of  the  good 
fenfe  and  good  humour  of  the  republic. 

This  bickering  would  not  be  worth  an  analyfis ; 
but  as  the  federal  party  make  a  prodigious  clamour 
about  it,  the  particulars  rife  above  their  natural  de- 
f^ree  of  interefl.  Inflead  of  haraffing  De  la  Croix, 
and  the  direftory,  and  (landing  upon  the  tiptoe  of 
diplomatic  privilege,  Pinckney  would  have  ferved 
the  United  States  better,  by  quitting  France  on  the 
iirfl  intimation,  that  he  could  not  be  received  in  an 
official  charader.  The  previous  difmiffal  of  thirteen 
minifters,  might  have  convinced  him,  that  the  di- 
recHiory  would  remain  inflexible,  and  that  impor- 
tunity couid  only  ferve  to  widen  the  breach.  Ad- 
iiiitting  that  the  French  were  in  the  wrong,  and 
tliat  is  extremely  doubtful,  a  v/ife  envoy  v/oultl 


HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  175 

have  made  fome  allowance  for  the  pride  and  info- 
lence  of  vi<Story.  It  is  theinfeparable  tribute  of  hu- 
man infirmity,  at  the  ihrine  of  fortune.  Both  parties 
were  highly  chagrined,  in  the  aS:  of  Mr.  I^inckney's 
ultimate  difmiflion.  Afic  yourfcjf,  then,  whether  it 
was  a  prudent  flep  to  fend  him  a  fecond  time  to 
Paris  ?  The  quarrel  of  nations  had  been  exafpcrat- 
ed  into  that  of  perfons*. 

Mr.  Adams  has  completed  this  individual  rup- 
ture. If  Pinckney  could  have  had  any  chance  of 
doing  fervice,  the  pulication  of  his  confidential  cor- 
refpondencev/ith  the  executive,  has  infallibly  put  an 
end  to  it.  The  French  may  come  to  an  agreement,  be 
caufe  thcyanay  not  be  prepared  for  attacking  us.  But 
this  truce  willrefemble  the  fcate  of  Rome,  after  the 
death  of  Otho.  Fotiiis  belliwi  ceff'erat^  fays  Tacitus, 
quam  pax  C£perat\,  Tq  fiiew  the  good  lenfe  of  our ' 
prefident,  and  his  plan  for  pleafing  France,  it  is 
worth  while  to  cite  a  few  of  the  pallages  in  Pinck- 
ney's  letters,  that  muft  be  fure  of  offending  the  di- 
re 6lory. 

"  I  think  the  ground  I  have  taken  has  puzzled 
''  them  ;  they  wifli  me  gone,  but  they  apprehend 
''  that  it  would  be  too  harfh  a  meafure,  to  fend  Iff, 
"  in  a  peremptory  manner,  the  minifter  of  mj 
''  country^.''  [He  foon  faw  how  little  they  cared 
for  that ;  but  the  dlre<rtory  did  not  want  to  be  harfti, 
till  civility  had  failed.] 

*  "  Ambafiadors  hare  a  jud  natural  right  to  tlemand  that  their  pro- 
<^  pofals  fiioukl  be  delivered.  But  as  to  an  allowance  to  relide'any 
<<  time  in  the  ftatc  to  which  they  are  feiit,  they  may  claim  it'>as  due 
«*  out  of  humanity,  but  cannot  inlift  c\\  it  as  a  perfect  right.  Since 
<«  the  bnfmers  of  the  more  adive  ambaiTadors  is  much  the  fame  with 
**  that  of  fpies  upon  the  nations  where  they  refide."  Ilutchefon's 
hitroduaion  to  Moral  Piiiiofophy,  Book  III.  Chap  X. 

+  '^Warhad  rather  ended  than  peace  btgun." 

:*.  DocumcntSj  &c.  p.  17. 


174  SKETCHES    OF    THE 

"  The  letter  of  the  2ifl:  of  Frimaire,  from  M. 
^'  De  la  Croix  to  Mr.  Monroe,  above  recited,  fhews 
*'  the  cUflirKSlion  which  this  government  attempts 
'*  to  make  betvjeen  the  American  people  and  their 
''  gover7iment'^ .■''  [The  letter  alluded  to,  comprifes 
only  a  few  common-place  exprefiions  of  refpedl  and 
kindnefs  for  the  x\mericans.  Its  total  infignilicance 
makes  the  paiTage  worth  quoting,  as  it  thus  more 
ilrongly  marks  the  jealoufy  of  the  federal  party.] 
*'  I  pray  you  to  be  periiiaded,  citizen  miniftcr," 
fays  De  la  Croix,  ''  that  this  determination! hav- 
^'  ing  become  neceiTary,  allows  to  fubfift  between 
*'  the  French  republic,  and  the  American  people, 
"  the  afleiftion  founded  upon  former  benefits,  and 
*'  reciprocal  interefts  ;  an  affetSlion,  which  you  your- 
*'  felf  have  taken  a  pleafure  in  cultivating,  by  every 
'^  means  in  your  powerl^.'/ 

[Thefe  words  convey  little  meaning,  and  certain- 
ly no  harm.  Nothing  but  the  delirium  of  faction, 
or  the  fournefs  of  difappointed  felf-conceit,  can  fee, 
in  this  compliment,  any  defign  to  make  an  alarm- 
ing diiiinftion  between  the  government  and  people 
of  America.  One-half  of  the  fhort  but  wicked  ad- 
drcfs  from  Barras  to  Monroe,  contains  a  polite 
turn  in  the  fame  flyle ;  and,  on  thefe  high  and  migh- 
ty mifdemeanours,  Mr.  Adams,  in  his  fpeech  to 
congrefs,  founds  the  charge  of  inflammation  againfl: 
France.  After  the  above  reference,  Mr.  Pinckney 
fubjoins :]  <^ 

''  I  trull,  that  America  will  fliew  that  her  fenti- 
*'  ments  and  thofeof  her  government  are  one  ;  and 
*^  that  fhe  will  never  fuffer  any  foreign  nation  to 
^'  interfere  in  her  concerns;  and  that  an  attempt  to 
*'  divide  her  citlzers  will  be  thefignal  for  rallying, 

*  Documents,  hz,  p.  i8. 

f  Not  to  receive  an  ambalTador  from  the  United  States. 

t  Documents,  &c,  p.  ic. 


HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  if^ 

*^  afid  render  them  the  more  united*."  [Mr.  Pinck- 
ney  brings  no  evidence  that  France,  on  thisoccafion, 
attempted  to  m/^fr/dTd",  or  ^/w/d'.  His  fudden  bounce 
upwards,  was  needlefs  and  malicious.  But  lie  had 
known  the  temper  of  government,  and  its  wifhes 
for  a  handle  to  charge  France  with  the  plan  of  fow- 
ing  fedition  in  this  country.  He  had  received  nine 
thoufand  dollars  of  outfit,  being  eight  thoufar.d, 
five  hundred,  more  than  were  neceifaryt ;  and  he 
was  impatient  to  prove  his  gratitude.  When  you 
fuffer  the  executive  of  a  nation  to  pay  public  officers 
extravagantly,  they  are  almoft  fure  of  degenerating 
into  the  mere  creatures  and  apes  of  their  immedi- 
ate employer.  Mr.  Pinckney  well  knew,  that  the 
complimentary  phrafes  of  Barras  fignified  no  more 
than  your  humble  Jervant^  at  the  bottom  of  a  chai- 
1  an  get.] 

''  I  need  not,''  fays  Pvlr.  Pinckney,  ^'  comment 
''  on  fo  ftrange  a  compofition  ;"  (the  fpeech  of  Bar- 
ras) ''  it,  however,  evinces  the  difpofition  of  the 
'*  directors  of  this  country  towards  us,  and  the  iyP' 
*'  tern  which  they  have  adopted*,  by  endeavouring 
*'  to  perfuade  our  countrymen  that  they  can  have 
*'  a  different  intereft  from  their  fellow  citizens, 
''  whom  themfelves  have  chofen  to  manage  their 
"  joint  concerns||."  [Never  was  a  fentence  cf  the 
Bible,  or  of  Ariflotle,  more  woefully  tortured  than 

*  Documents,  &c.  p.  i8. 

+  What  is  the  reafon  why  four  of  our  foreign  minlflers  ^^t  nine 
thoufand  dollars  of  falary,  and  a  fifth,  only  half  that  fiim  ?  Place  the 
whole  five  on  the  fmallcr  allowance.  It  is  fufficient ;  and  efpeciall/ 
at  Paris,  where  living  is  far  cheaper  than  in  Philadelphia.  The  re- 
du(5lion  of  the  four  larger  falaries  would  fave  eighteen  thoufand  dol- 
lars a  year.  This  would  enable  congrefs  to  take  off  one  of  the  tiMS 
cents  per  pound  of  excife  upon  refined  fugar,  which,  in  i  yoCi  pic* 
duced  only  thirty-eight  thoufand  dollars. 

%  This  comparifon  is  borrowed  frow  brd  Gfieilerfieii* 

%  Documents,}),  z8» 


i7«  SKETCHES    OF    THE 

tViis  unhappy  fpccch.  If  Barras  was  to  fay  any  thing 
111  the  fliape  of  ccnfure,  he  could  not  have  faid  Icfs ; 
and  he  knew,  as  well  as  Mr.  Fincknf y,  that  the 
Eritifh  treaty  was  the  work  of  a  party.  The  federal 
newfpspers  are  conflantly  reviling  the  French  na- 
tion .  They  defpife  all  notice  of  fuch  foolery ;  though 
they  know,  and  cannot  fail  to  refent  it.  But  while 
the  Gazette  of  the  United  States  declares  theFrench, 
€11  77iafje^  to  be  robbers  and  afTafTms,  while  it  hopes 
thattiieir  goverament  is  hloxvii  np^  and  that  theBour- 
bons  will  be  reflored  ;  with  what  grace  can  John 
Adams,  or  this  Charles  Cotefworth  Pinckney,  pre,- 
tend  to  complain  of  Barras  ?] 

*'  There  are  now  twent^v-five  thoufand  French 
"  troops  inBatavia  (Holland)  ;  and,  it  is  here  no  fe- 
*'  cret,  th?.t  they  can  dirccl  what  meafures  they 
"  pleafe*.''  [Had  tlie  dirediory,  like  our  executive, 
time  andpatience  to  pick  ftraws,  could  they  link  to 
the  frivolity  of  the  Anglo-federal  cabinet,  a  fonnida- 
ble  chargemight  be  reared  up  againft  Pinckney,  for 
confpiring  to  feparate  Holland  from  the  republic. 
The  one  accufat^n  would  be  jafl  as  plaufible 
as  tlie  other.] 

*■'  I  am  happy  to  find  that  Mr.  Adet's  diforganiz- 
*•  in  g  manoeuvres  have  been  treated,  by  my  country- 
'^  men,  as  they  deferved,  and  that  his  attempts  to 
*^  divide,  have  tended  to  unite  themt.''  The  plaii^ 
terof  adulation  is  here  laid  on  pretty  thick.  When 
Genet  behaved  with  petulance  to  Mr.  Wadiington, 
he  had,  at  leail,  the  merit  of  aifting  above  board. 
Here  is  a  man,  who,  .under  covert,  feems  to  do  eve- 
ry thing  in  his  power  to  fefler  the  animoilty  of  our 
executive  againll:  France.  It  has  been  thought  of 
importance  to  enter  into  this  diiTection  of  his  of- 
ficial correfpondence.    It  was  from  his  rubbifli  of 

♦Documents,  ^c.  p.  30#  "I  Ibid.  p.  62. 


HiStORY    OF    AMERICA.  177 

materials,  tkat  Mr.  x\dams  fabricated  his  military) 
harangue.  When  the  papers  were  read  in  the  houf^ 
of  reprefentatives,  the  fpirited  behaviour  of  Pinck- 
ney  met  with  loud  applaufe.  The  fpeech  of  BarraJ 
Was  condemned  by  every  member  who  took  notice 
of  it. 

Prefident  Adams  would  find  it  difficult  to  give  a 
good  reafon  for  prefenting  this  correipondence,  in  its 
full  extent,  to  congrefs.  He  well  knew  that  it  would 
be  printed,  that  copies  of  it  would  be  fent  to  France, 
that  many  parts  of  it  were  fure  to  offend  the  direc- 
tory, and  that,  from  the  day  of  its  arrival,  they 
would  regard  Pinckney  as  a  calumniator  and  afpy* 
If  the  prefident  wanted  the  directory  to  refufe,  for 
a  fecond  time,  the  admiflion  of  his  credentials,  this 
was  the  mod  likely  way  to  fuccced.  Mr.  Fcnno 
himfelf  would  have  been  as  commendable  a  choice 
as  Mr.  Pinckney. 

In  an  early  part  of  this  chapter  it  was  affirmed, 
that  Mr.  Adams  "  defired,  and  flill  defires  a  rup- 
''  ture  with  France.''  Evidence  on  this  charge  has 
now  been  examined,  and  the  ^blic  will  decide  ai> 
to  its  juflicc. 

Along  with  the  above,  another  point  w^as  ftated, 
that,  "  if  cxpreflions  far  ftronger  than  thofe  of  Bar- 
"  ras  had  been  employed  by  lord  Gren villc.  Dot  a 
''  murmur  would  have  been  heard  about  them." 

In  proof  of  this  affirmation,  there  is  a  letter  from 
Thomas  Pinckney,  dated  London,  January  9th3 
1794.  I"  ^  converfation  with  Pinckney,  Grenvilie 
made  a 'reference  to  "  evil  difpofed  perfons  among 
"  us,  who,  according  to  the  intelligence  he  had  re- 
*'  ceived,  were  endeavouring  to  irritate  our  peo- 
*'  pie  againft  Great  Britain,  as  well  as  to  oppofc  the 
''  meafures  of  our  own  government,  and,  infhort) 
*'  to  reduce  us  to  the  prcfent  fituation  of  France ;  a 
'^  misfortune  which  they  dcprecatedj  as  wcU  for 

Z 


t7S  SKETCHES    OF    THE 

•'  our  fakes,  as  for  the  common  welfare  and  trar*- 

'^  quility  of  mankind.'' 

x4s  for  the  convmoii  ivelfare  of  mank'md^  it  wa$ 
jufl  a  month  after  this  converfation  that  Dorcheller, 
by  defire  of  Grenvillc,  delivered  his  war-talk  .la 
the  Indians. 

Genet  was  accufcd  of  threatening  to  appeal  from 
the  prefident  to  the  people.  But  here  fomething  in- 
finitely worfe  has  been  actually  performed.  Gren- 
ville  ^t  once  appeals  from  the  people  to  the  prefi- 
dent. He  charges  a  great  part  of  them  witli  wifliing 
to  involve  the  continent  in  anarchy  and  bloodf?ied, 
and  gives  notice,  in  a  ftile  plain  enough,  that  Eng- 
land would  be  glad  to  alTifi:  our  executive  in  fupport 
of  order.  Compared  to  this  infblence,  the  glance 
of  Barras  fades  beneath  criticifm.  If  one  drop  of 
republican  blood  had  warmed  the  heart  of  Thomas 
Pinckney,  he  never  would  have  become  the  agent 
of  this  communication.  The  prefident  did  not  like 
Genet's  propofed  appeal  to  the  people,  but  he  waS: 
highly  fatisfied  with  this  appeal  to  himfelf.  From 
that  day  forward,  li|p  drew  more  clofely  the  bonds 
of  union  with  England.  The  hint  w^ould  have  fuit- 
ed  queen  Elizabeth,  or  Philip  the  fecond ;  in  ad- 
drefiing  the  earl  of  Murray,  or  a  leader  of  the 
French  league. 

The  refidence  of  Phineas  Bond  in  Philadelphia^ 
as  Britidi  conful,  pi'efents  an  evidence  of  pitiful 
tamenefs.  ''  Noflate,"  fays  Hutch efon,  ''  is  bound 
*'  to  admit  any  exiled  criminal  or  fugitive  fubjei^ 
"  of  theirs,  as  an  ambaffador  from  any  neighbour- 
''  ing  itate.  But  if  fuch  a  one  is  fent  with  fuch  com- 
V.^miirionp  he  cannot  juflly  be  feized  or  punifhed, 
'i  but  he.  may  be  immediately  ordered  to  quit  our 
''  coantry''^.''   Bond  was  fo  much  attached  to  ISlr» 

♦  linitkfon,  Book  lU.  Chap.  X, 


HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  179 

Guelph,  that  he  accoinpanied  the  Britifli  army  from 
this  city.  He  did  not  return  to  America  till  fome 
years  after  the  revolution.  No  ad;  of  indemnity  has 
been  extended  to  him.  His  Britifli  commilTion  alone 
faves  him  from  the  penalties  of  an  outlaw,  which 
his  fubfequent  infolence  has  highly  dcferved.  If  ge- 
neral Lee  had  furvived  the  late  war,  and  been  fent 
as  a  conful  or  ambafTador  to  England,  the  court  of 
London  v/ould  have  refented  the  nomination  as  an 
infult,  and  he  might,  perliaps  without  much  impro- 
priety, have  been  committed  to  tlie  tower.  But  the 
Britifli  government  has  a  fenfe  of  dignity,  which 
America  is  yet  to  learn.  By  the  way,  our  tories 
clamour  greatly  at  the  feverc  fate  of  French  emi- 
grants, while  their  own  condud:  (hews  how  dange- 
rous indulgence  might  be.  It  is  needl^fs  to  a£t  a  re- 
volution by  halves.  When  American  prifoners  were 
flarved  to  death  at  New- York,  the  republicans 
fhould  have  ufed  theirs  exacT:ly  in  the  lame  manner. 
If  retaliation  had  been  inftantly  begun,  it  would 
have  faved  many  thoufands  o£valuable  lives.  But 
wh2Lt  could  be  expelled  from  America,  when  her 
Ibldiers  blubbered  under  the  gibbet  of  a  Britifli 
Ipy*  ? 

On  February  sifl:,  1797,  a  treaty  of  com- 
merce, between  England  and  Ruflia,  was  fign- 
ed  at  Peterfl^urgh.  By  the  third  article,  RuflTian 
iailors  are  amply  le cured  from  imprefTment ;  as 
alio  the  paflTengers  on  board  of  their  veflTels,  Britifli 
fubjecfls  alone  excepted.  The  tenth  efliabliflies  the 
maxim  th^it  free  bottoms  make  free  goods  ;  a  maxim 
by  which  an  American  veflel  might  convey  a  cargo 
of  French  coffee  from  St.  Domingo  to  Btjkirdeaux. 
A  realbnable  exception  is  made  againfl:  fupplying  a 

*  Andre.  This  circumftance  was  related  \>y  an  officer  tlien  on 
th«  fpot. 


j8o  SKETCH  ESOFTHE 

nation,  at  war  with  either  party,  with  arms  or  am^ 
munition  ;  and  efpecially  places  under  fiege  or  block'» 
ade.  "  But  in  all  other  cafes,"  fays  the  treaty,  ''  (hall 
''  the  faid  fubjedls  freely  carry  into  thofe  places, 
''  paffengers  and  all  kinds  of  goods,  except  aiiimu^ 
^'  nition." 

The  eleventh  article  fpeciiies  ammunition,  as  a 
term  fi:ri(il:ly  confined  to  military  llores.  It  adds, 
that,  in  cafe  of  feizure,  '^  neither  the  veiTels,  nor 
*'  the  palfengers,  nor  the  other  goods,  fliall  be  dc- 
'^  tained,  or  hindered  in  the  profecution  of  their 
''  voyage*." 

Compare  this  treaty  with  ours,  in  four  different 
points,  and  then  confefs  that  Americans  are- 
unequally  dealt  with.  Firft^  As  for  imprefTment  no 
fecurity  is  granted.  5'^<:o^2^,  The  feventeenth  article 
gives  up  the  privilege  of  neutral  bottoms.  ''  If  any 
^^  property  of  an  enemy  fhall  be  found  on  board  fuch 
^'  velTel,  that  part  only,  which  belongs  to  the  enemy 
^^  fliall  be  made  prize  J'  Third^  By  the  fecond  para- 
graph of  the  eighteenth  article, ' '  provifions  and  other 
^^  articles,  not  geneHlly  contraband,"  maybe  feiz- 
^d,  the  Britifh  government  paying  for  them.  A  jar« 
gon  ftipulation  is  introduced  of  their  being  only  feiz- 
able  when  ''  becoming  contraband  according  to  M(? 
''  laws  of  nations  ^^-  The  latter  phrafe,  like  a  poly- 
pus, or  a  ftocking,  may,  without  injury  to  its  te:x- 
ture,  have  its  infide  turned  out.  But  the  above  is 
the  real  and  praiTtical  fignification  of  the  claufc. 
IvuHian provifions  are,  in  no  cafe  whatever,  feizabie* 
Fourth^  The  next  paragraph  of  the  eighteenth  arti- 
cle is  as  inferior  as  all  the  refl  to  the  Fvuflian  treaty. 
An  American  veffel  attempting  to  enter  a  place  be- 
fieged,  is,  in  the  firft  inflance,  to  be  turned  away^ 
andj  on  a  fecond  attempt  to  get  entrance,  her  cargo^ 

'^Auroral  September  4th^  17970 


HISTORY  OF    AMERICA.  iSi 

though  not  contraband,  fliall  be  coniifcated.  But  a 
Ruilian  /hip  may  enter  at  any  time,  and  with  ""  all 
"  kinds  of  goods,  except  arrjnunitionJ* 

Thus,  in  four  points,  of  ihe  higheit  confequencc, 
the  RuHian  treaty  has  tlie  advantage  of  ours.  K 
flranger  might  wonder  that  any  man  in  America  is 
capable  of  defending  Jay.  Some  of  his  advocates 
have  been  impelled  by  motives  diflinc^  from  in- 
ternal approbation.  Four  hundred  and  thirteen 
merchants  and  traders,  in  Philadelphia,  gave  an 
addrefs  of  thanks  to  the  prefident  for  palTing  of 
the  treaty.  Of  this  number,  it  is  charitable  to  be- 
lieve, that  one-half  ad:ed  under  the  hope  of  pleaf- 
ing,  or  the  dread  of  offending  Mr.  Thomas  Wil- 
ling, prefident  of  the  bank  of  the  United  States^ 
and  who  appears  at  the  head  of  the  lifl.  With 
feveral,  it  was  a  fufficient  motive  to  fee  their  names 
in  fuch  reputable  company.  Many  dozens  of 
the  fubfcribers  have  fince  become  bankrupt. 
Morris  and  Nicholfon  were  fo  at  the  time* ;  and 
certainly  were  not  "^  more  immediately  concerned 
^'  than  any  other  clafs  of  menfl"  fmce  the  real  in- 
tcrcft  lay  with  thofe  to  whom  they  were  indebted. 
The  following  enquiry  will  prove  fome  of  the  ob- 
ligations which  this  country  has  to  Mr. Willing,  and 
to  a  part  of  the  gentlemen  with  whom  he  had  the 
honour  to  aCL 

A  bank  is  eftablifhed  by  permidion  from  the  go-, 
vernment  of  a  country,  for  the  univerfal  conveni- 
ence of  its  citizens.  Hence  its  directors  have  na 
title  to  make  a  diftind:ion  bet\veen  perfons  or  par- 
ties, any  farther  than  refpe<Sling  \.\\q\v  Jolvency,  A 
bank  is,   or  ought  to  be,  defigned  for  the  good  c^ 

*  At  leaft  they  were  indebted  to  the  extent  ef  many  millions  of 
dollars  ;  none  of  their  creditors  could  get  a  cent ;  and  their  bills 
\(vere  fold  at  a  reduced  price. 
'\  The  words  of  the  addrefs. 


igj  SKETCHES    OF    THE 

fociety  ^.t  b.rge.  Individuality  of  difcouragcment^or 
of  favour,  is  excliidfd  from  thefchcmc.  Such  par- 
tiality would  transform  it  into  a  nuifance. 

But  equality  of  trcitment  (hould  more  efpecially 
be  the  cafe  with  the  bank  of  the  United  States. 
One  fifth  part  of  its  paper  money  capital  belongs 
to  the  national  government.  For  this  reafon,  eve- 
ry citizen  i<?,  at  fecond  hand,  a  partner  in  it  ;  as 
lie  pays  a  proportion  cf  taxes  to  the  public  flock, 
from  whence  that  fifth  fliare  was  derived.  But  it  is 
iK)torio-us  that  thi^  bank  has  been  employed  as  an 
cn<?;inc  of  government,  to  ferve  the  views  of  Britilh 
intereif.  Difconnts  have  often  been  refufed  at  this 
national  bank  to  mcnof  mofl  undoubted  opulence, 
merely  on  account  of  the  republican  principles  of 
thofe  who  drew  or  accepted  of  the  bill.  The 
defpotifm  of  paper  money  pervades  every 
mulclc  and  Vein  of  Philadelphian  fociety.  Tke 
dcniination  of  Britijh  cujl oin-hQuj e  officers  has  been 
exchatigedfor  that  of  American  Jlockjehhers^ ,  As 
a  minute  exampl^  feveral  gentlemen  of  confl- 
derable  property,  declared  that  they  durfl 
not  fubfcribe  for  the  late  Hiflory  of  1796  ;  but 
that  they  would  be  fure  to  buy  it  as  foon  as  prin- 
ted. They  feared  federal  vengeance  ;  of  which 
a  flcppage  cf  difcounts  at  the  bank  is  the  foremofl 
and  favourite  weapon.  The  efre<ns  of  fuch  a  flo])- 
page  would  infallibly  ruin  the  mercantile  chara£ler 
of  any  m.an  in  Mr.  Willing's  lift. 

It  has  been  remarked!,  that  Philadelphia  has 
thirty  offices  exclufively  for  printing  of  books. 
This  was  a  yesr  ago  ;  but,  fmce  that  time,  and 
owing  to  the»  late  torrent    of  bankruptcies,  fome 

*  Br  the  af^  of  incorporation,  three-fifths  of-ihe  funds  are  paya-* 
V\t  in  fix  }jer  cent,  public  flock.     Compare  fedtions  gd  and  nth. 
f  American  Annual  Regiftcr,  Chap.  V, 


HISTORY   OF   AMERICA.  ,g, 

have  been  Ihut  up,  and  others  have   become   half 

Idle    If  the  paper  money  of  this  country  had  been 

eonfined  Within  one-fixth  part  of  its  preLt  limits 

thefc    bankruptcies    would   have   been    rcftridc^ 

m  a   leaft  as  great  a  proportion.     InRead  of  thirty 

printing. o.hces,  but   indifferently  employed,  the  e 

might  have    been  fifty  well  employed,  ^n  E  1  n! 

burgh  or  Glalgow,  a  good  journeyman  printer  will 

In'DSbH'"  I -''"^^  ''^'"^'"S  °"-  -  g-"-  per  weei 
pT  ,     ^'    ''.'s  F^ge?  are,  it  is  true,    higher,  but 

SlnH  f  :^  ^'^'-'^'^c^  i"  fl'e  expeiice  of  labour 
at.ends,  alfo,  the  manufafiurc  of  paper.  By  much 
the  greater  part  of  this.fuperior  rate  of  wag^esm  y 

excefs  of  bank  notes,   and  the  confeqi  ent  rife   of 
markets.  Thedearthof  wages,  tj^thdc  two  clliTes 
of  workmen,   renders    it   difficult    to  pay   them 
Hence  the  employer  muft  fometimes  b!n/ow  Sol 
"ey,  at  an  high    intereft,  in   order  to   clear  thch- 
accounts.     The  difference   of  wages,  with  apr' 
muim  for  the  advance  of  moneyf  is  laid  by  ^  e 
paper-maker  on  his  manufacture.     A  fecond  upon 
his  own  work,  is  fuperadded  by  the  printer    a"d 
a  third   by  the  bookfeller.     It    is  partly  bV  t"^ 
means     that  books  -are  dea.^er  in  i4iiaddpL  o^ 
New-York  than  in    England,    thouph    we    ht^  e 
comparatively,  but  very  few  taxes,  Ind  thepe  ul 
liar  advantage  arifing  from  an  «nlx,u„ded    extent 
of  fertile  territory.     The  fureft  way  to  augnen 
tne  circulation  of  a  commodity  is  to  be  able  to 

de  fold'"'?-.  •  '^"  '^"f"^=*"  P''"'^'-  '^  9f'-n  -  - 
printer,^  who  has  labour  at  a  price  onelthird  lower, 
in  i.onoou,  wages  are  higlier  than  probably  .inv 
where  elfe  m  Britain.  A  journeyman  hookup  i"^ 
ter,  who  emts  hiinfdf,  can  clesr  two  guineas  per 


,8^  SKETCHES    OF    THE 

week,  but  even  there,  by  dint  of  large  capitals, 
and  the  fuperiority  of  an  old  eftablitliment,  the 
printer  and  bookfellcr  can  afford  to  deal  for  lefs^ 
profit,  and  to  give  longer  credit  than  a  printer  in 
America,  v/here  the  interefl  of  money  is  fo  much 
higher  than  in  England. 

It  will  be  replied  that,  before  the  bank  of  the 
United  States  was  opened,  a  journeyman  prin- 
ter could  be  had  for  three,  or  four  dollars, 
that  trade  was  then  very  dull,  and  that  Englifti 
books  were  imported  as  faft  as  they  are  nov/. 
In  reafoning,  it  is  common  to  afcribe  effecl:s  to  im- 
aginary caufes,  merely  becaufe  the  latter  occurred 
at  the  fame  time  with  the  former.  Yefterday,  at 
noon,  the  clock  fir uck  twelve,  but  the  fun  would 
have  crbfTed  the  zenith,  wiiether  the  clock  had 
ft  ruck  or  not.  It  will  be  fuppofed  that  bank  pa- 
per arrived  only  by  degrees  at  its  prefent  opprel- 
iive  magnitude  ;  that  at  firfl  it  promoted  a  prudent 
extent  of  foreign  trade  ;  and  that  trade  in  turn  ftimu- 
lated  internal  manufad:ures.  It  is  not  the  ufe,  biit 
the  abufe  of  paper  money,  that  rs  liable  to  objec- 
tion. Had  the  quantum  of  its  circulation  become 
ftationary,  fiye  or  fix  years  ago,  it  might  have  done 
well ;  but,  inftead  of  this,  it  has  gone  forward  to  fet 
open  fuch  floodgates  of  gambling  and  of  ufury,  as 
hardly  ever  overwhlemed  any  country  before.  If 
the  expence  of  print  and  paper  had  remained  fla- 
tionary  hnce  1792,  the  volume  which  now  cofls  a 
dollar,  could  have  been  had  for  four  or  live  {hil- 
lings. This  mufi:  have  excluded  in  whole  or  nearly 
-fo,  the  prefent  large  importation  of  paper,  and  it 
muft,  at  the  fame  time,  have  greatly  augmented 
the^  prefent  manufadlure  of  printing.  The  like 
increafe  would  have  enfued  in  fome  other  bran- 
ches, more  readily  than  in  this  one.  Both  here 
and  in  Britain  the  wages   of  a  printer  are  higher 


HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  i8; 

than  thofe  of  moft  other  tradefnien,  and  nearer  the 
lame  level  in  the  two  countries.  This  is,  no 
doubt,  one  reafon  why  book-printing  has  thriven 
more  rapidly  here  than  fo  many  other  manufac- 
tures. On  the  contrary,  look  at  weavers.  In  the 
old  country  their  wages  are  fo  low,  and  their  work 
can  be  fnrniflied  fo  cheap,  that,  in  feveral  branches, 
no  cflablifhment  in  America  can  compete  them. 

Internal  manufaclures  are  a  more  important,  be- 
caufc  a  more  fafe  and  durable  acquifition  than  foreigii 
commerce.  They  can  involve  no  external  quarrel^ 
and  they  are  beyond  the  reach  of  e!:\ternal  piracy. 
The  tanner,  at  Lancafler,.  has  nothing  to  fear  from 
the  corfairs  of  Barbary ;  and  a  potter,  or  cutler, 
on  the  Sufquehanna,  may  fmlle  at  the  menaces  of 
the  Britilh  navy.  Twice  the  prefent  number  of 
American  tradefnien,  though  purchafed  by  lofmg 
half  the  prefent  number  of  American  merchants, 
would  produce  a  very  deflrable  alteration  in  the 
real  ftrength  and  refources  of  the  United  States. 

Tlie  v/hole  force  of  the  banking  fyftem  has  been 
direded  entirely  towards  the  promotion  of  foreign 
trade.  The  encouragement  which  it  aftbrded  to 
domeflic  improvement  v/as  but  as  by  proxy,  through 
the  medium  of  that  wealth  which  commerce  ten- 
ded to  produce.  But  naturally  fpeaking,  matters, 
if  left  more  freely  to  their  own  operation,  and  l^fs 
impeded  by  mountains  of  paper  money,  would 
have  taken  a  furer  courfe.  A  multitude  of  manu- 
facturing villages,  planted  over  the  continent, 
are  preferable  to  an  immenfe  quantity  of  (hipping 
difperfed  over  the  ocean .  A  carpenter,  or  a  black- 
fmith,  is  more  likely  to  be  fober,  long-lived,  and 
to  leave  a  family  behind  him,  than  that  part  of  onr 
feamen  employed  in  diftant  voyages.  Dr.  Blane, 
a  Scots  pbyfician,  who  {>rved  under  admiral  Rod- 

A  a 


i86  SKETCHES    OF    THE 

ney,  remarks,  that  faiicrs  look,  for  the  mof!:  part^ 
older  by  ten  ^^ears  than  landfmen  of  the  fame  age* 
Great  numbers  are  annually  loft  at   fea    or   periHi 
by  the  hardfhips  peculiar  to  their  profelTion.  Per- 
haps not  one-half  of  the  aggregate  body  enjoy  the 
comforts  of  a  dry    death.     Of  thofe    engaged   in 
voyages  to  foreign   countries,  only   a  few  are  mar- 
ried.    The  Tailors  of  New-Erlgland  have  the  re- 
putation of  being  orderly,    and  attached  to   their 
families  ;  but  this   is  not,  in    moft    parts    of  the 
world,     the    general   chara6ler   of   mariners.    Of 
their   extreme    utility    and  value    to    tlie    United 
States,    notice    has    been  formerly  taken*.     But 
internal  manufacTturers  are  a  ftill  more  elfential  clafs 
in  the  fcale  of  national  profperity.    If  you  can  find  a 
taylor,  or  ihoemaker,  at  the  next  plantation,  it   is 
furely  more  profitable  to  employ  him  than  to  fend 
your  wheat    three  or  four  thoufand  miles  by  fea, 
to  be    exchanged-  for  cloaths  and  flices.     Befides 
the  rill^,  and  the  wade  of  additional  labour  in  the 
voyage,  the  tradefman  whom  you  employ  in  France 
or  England  is  not  your  fellow  citizen.     A  mecha- 
nic, refiding  in  America,  forms  a  part  of  the  nation. 
His  earnings  are  expended  among  us.     His  family 
are  blended  with  and  augment  the  general  mafs  of 
population ;  v/hereas  a  failor  is  often   but  (lightly 
conneol:ed  with  his  native  country,  in  which  he  is 
indeed  a  ftranger,  while  the  foreign  manufi6lurer, 
v/ho  is  to  confume  your  commodities,  has  no  alli- 
ance whatever  with  it,   but  the  tranfitory  profpecSt 
of  receiving  employment.  Mr.  Gallatint  computes 
the  number   of    American  feamen   at    near  forty 
thoufand.     Cf  thefe,   it  is   much    to  fay  that  fix- 
teen  thoufand  are  mnrried,  and  raife  families.  Here 
then  we  have  tvv^entv-four  thoufand  batchelors,  to 

*  American  Annual  R-egiilcr,  Chap,  III.  i  Pag«  16, 


HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  187 

fupport  whofe  numbers,  recruits  are  much  more 
frequently  wanted  than  by  any  other  body  of  men. 
If  they  had  been  on  fliore,  as  mechanics,  five  out 
of  fix  of  them  would  have  married,  and  three 
children  to  each,  arriving  at  an  adult  age,  would 
make  an  increafe  of  fixty  thoufand  people.  Thefe 
hints  are  thrown  out  not  to  depreciate  the  real 
value  of  the  banking  fyftem,  and  much  lefs  of  fo- 
reign commerce ;  but  merely  to  Ihew  what  is  now 
indeed,  univerfally  granted,  that  the  former  has 
been  driven  to  a  ruinous  excefs,  and  that  the  latter 
ought  not  to  be  encouraged  at  the  expence  of  do- 
meftic  manufactures,  which,  of  the  two  fyflems^ 
greatly  deferve  the  prefei-ence. 

A  ihort  review  v/ill  difcover  what  an  enormous 
mafs  of  paper  has  been  liTucd  in  this  city.  The 
bank  of  North  America,  the  eldeft  on  the  continent, 
was  firfl:  incorporated  by  an  a6l  of  congrefs,  dated 
April  ifl,  1782.  Its  prefent  charter,  granted  by 
the  flate  of  Pennfylvania,  bears  date  the  17th  of 
March,  I787» 

Dollars. 
Its  capital  flock  is  reflridled  to,  2,000,000 

The  acH:  of  incorporation  by  congrefs  ^ 

of  the  bank  of  the  United  States,  j 

was  approved  on  the  251!!  of  Fe-  ^  10,000,000 

bruary,  179 1.     Its  capital  is  limi- 
ted to,         -  -         -         - 
The  ftatute  of  afTembly  for  the  bank 

of  Pennfylvania  is  dated    March 

30th,   1793,   2,nd   its  flock  is  not 

to  exceed,  "  °         ~ 


3,000,000 


Total,  15,000,000 

Thus,/  within  the  fpace   of  only   fcven  years, 
from  1787,  to  1793,  inclufivCj  three   batteries  of 


iS8  SKETCHES    OF    THE 

paper  money,  extending  to  fifteen  ]\!ILLions  of 
jDvOLLARS,  were  opened,  and  flill  continue  to  play 
againfl  the  antient  fortrefs  of  gold  and  illver.  The 
capitals  of  other  banks  on  the  continent  amount 
to  about  five  millions.  Bring  twice  as  many  tur- 
kies  to  the  market  as  you  can  poiTibly  fell  ;  and 
the  price  of  money  will  inllantly  rife,  or,  accor- 
ding to  common  ideas,  that  of  turkies  will  fall. 
In  the  fame  way,  by  thrufting  fo  many  thoufand 
reams  of  artificial  money  into  the  market,  gold 
foon  became  of  much  inferior  value.  Like  Swift's 
pippin,  the  honefl:  old  milled  dollar,  that  never  de- 
ceived any  body,  that  makes  its  vifits  always  wel- 
come, and  is  the  only  lledfafl  friend,  found  itfelf 
joflled  out  of  the  market  by  five  or  fix  upftarts. 
By  degrees, <  as  the  operations  of  the  banks  exten- 
ded, the  neceffaries  of  life  grew  dearer,  till,  in 
f()me  inftances,  they  arrived  at  an  intolerable  pitch. 
Three  hundred  dollars  per  annum  were  lately  gi- 
ven for  a  houfe  in  VVater-flreet,  Philadelphia,  that 
Vv^ould  not  turn  rain,  and  that  had  not  a  fmgle 
tolerable  room.  Even  on  the  fl^irts  of  the  city, 
an  hundred  dollars  are  often  paid  for  an  hovel  of 
rotten  boards,  comprehending  two  or  three  apart- 
ments rather  wider  than  a  centry  box,  and  which 
would  not,  in  the  vicinage  of  London,  bring  a 
rent  of  three  guineas.  It  was  v/ell  obferved,  fome- 
time  ago,  by  an  old  ^citizen,  that,  if  Philadelphia 
could  get  but  another  bank,  we  fliould  foon  pay  a 
dollar  for  a  bunch  of  afparagus.  Some  copies  of 
this  book  will  reach  France  and  England  ■  inten- 
ded emigrants  are  requefled  to  compare  thefe  de-' 
tails  with  that  cant  of  the  peculiar  facility  with 
luhick  a  family  can  be  rai fed  in  America  ;  and,  in 
the  name  of  all  that  is  facred,  let  them  not  envy 
^he  happinefs  of  refiding  in  an  American  fea-port. 
If  the  capitals  of  the  three  banks  had  extendedj 


HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  189 

colledively,  to  three  or  four  millions,  they  niip^ht 
have  clone  fervice  ;  as  fifty  drops  of  laudanum  will 
cure  a  cholic,'  when  five  hundred  would  kill  the 
patient.  But  when  congrefs,  by  a  la Vv% which  thcj/' 
had  nt)t  the  fmalleil  title  to  make,  abruptly  opened 
an  enormous  (luice  of  ten  miilions  of  dollars,  they 
a6led  with  the  forefight  of  the  Ihepherd,  who  wifh- 
ed  for  the  Ganges  to  run  through  his  fields,  llic 
bank  of  Pennfylvania  came  next,  with  its  three 
millions,  like  the  fecond  three  hundred  lafijes  on 
tlie  back  of  a  Britifli  foldier,  who  has  frolen  a  cou- 
ple of  hens.  No  fcarcafm  is  intended  on  the  foun- 
ders of  this  inftitution.  They  did  not  forefee  its 
confequences  to  the  public  at  large.  It  has  been  of 
much  pecuniary  advantage  to  the  government  of 
this  ftate  ;  and  the  afi[enibly  reafonably  fuppofed, 
that,  while  fuch  great  fums  were  made  by  banking, 
they  had  an  equal  right,  with  otliers,  to  the  profit 
of  an  adventure.  Their  eftablifiiment  had  another 
elfe^l  of  fome  value.  Its  operations  tended  to  weak- 
en the  vortex  of  influence  which  ten  millions  of  ca- 
pital gave  to  the  bank  of  the  Ugited  States.  After 
this  explanation,  it  may  be  fafely  afi[erted,  that  the 
bank  of  Pennfylvania  was  injurious  to  the  country, 
not  from  any  peculiarity  in  the  efuablifliment  itfelf, 
but  becaufethe  market  was  previoufly  overflocked. 
In  one  refpecT;  it  is  greatly  fuperior  to  the  Hamilton 
bank.  The  government  of  Pennfylvania  derives  a 
confiderable  revenue  from  its  bank,  and  which  is 
faid  to  defray  its  whole  expences.  Congrefs  gains 
only  forty  thoufand  dollars,  and  even  that  is  ac- 
quired by  a  fecond  breach  of  the  conflitution,  as 
illegal  as  the  acftof  incorporation  itfelf. 

Of  the  ten  millions  of  paper  capital  held  by  the 
bank  of  the  United  States,  two  millions  were  ad- 
vanced by  government,  in  virtue  of  a  claufe  in  the 
charter.  But  if  it  was  irregular  to  found  a  bank,  it 


i^o        ,  SKETCHES    OF    THE 

miifiil^e  flili  more  fo  to  fport  in  (liares  of  it  with 
public  money.  In  the  annual  reports  from  the 
treafury  to  congi'efs,  an  hundred  and  iixty  thoufand 
dollars  are  ftatcd  as  the  fnareof  government  in  the 
dividends.  The  two  millions  of  dollars  were  bor- 
rowed, at  fix  per  cent,  from  the  bank  itfelf.  Thus, 
afier  flriking  off  an  hundred  and  twenty  thoufand 
dollnrs  of  intcreft,  the  clear  profit,  as  above  (lated, 
is  only  forty  thoufand.  It  is  believed,  that  either  of 
the  banks  of  North-America,  or  of  Pennfylvania, 
would  give  a  large  fam  for  the  additional  conve- 
nience and  repute  of  handling  public  money.  A  dif- 
tinvftion  of  this  nature  is  intereiling  to  any  banking 
company.  The  remittances  of  revenue  from  Scot- 
land to  the  exchequer  at  London,  pafs,  of  courfe, 
through  the  hands  of  an  Edinburgh  banker.  The 
agency  is  faid  to  be  worth  ten  thoufand  pounds  fler- 
ling  per  annum,  and  it  fometimes  produces  a  fharp 
competition.  William  Ramfay,W"ho  is  underftood  to 
have  a  fortune  of  at  leaf!:  three  or  four  hundred 
tiioufand  pounds  derling,  and  who  was  thus  far 
aboveconteflingfora  trifle,  milTed  this  employment, 
fome  years  ago,  in  a  hard  flruggle  with  fir  VVilliam 
Forbes,  the  foreman  of  Thomas  Muir's  jury. 

From  thefe  obfervations  it  refults,  that,  though 
banks  have  promoted  the  extend  on  of  commerce, 
the  too  great  amount  of  their  notes  in  circulation, 
and  the  monftrous  ufury  for  which  paper  opened  an 
avenue,  have,  in  the  ifllie,  filled  Philadelphia  with 
infulvencies.  By  previoufly  flretching  the  price  of 
labour  to  twice  its  natural  height*,  they  have  mate- 
rially impeded  the  maturity,  or  rather  infancy,  of 
American  manufadlures. 

in  the  prefent,  as  in  other  parts  of  this  volume,  a 

*  From  the  fcarcity  of  hands  In  this  country,  the  price  of  labour 
ui!!  always  be  higher,  in  proportion  to  th^t  of  provifions,  than  it  is 
in  Europe.  But  that  will  not  account  for  itsprcfent  exorbitant  rife. 


HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  ,,( 

boWnefs  of  language  has  been,  fomctimcs,  unavoid- 
able. Before  the  friends  of  order  haflen  to  condeirn 
It,  let  them  look  at  Mr.   Fcniio's  cazette  cf  March 

1"''  'l?l:-  /\^r  """^  ^'■^'^^'^  ^hich  begins 
thus.  Died  laft  evening,  of  a  two  years  con- 
^^  lumption,  the  /lonje  of  reprejcntatives  of  the  Unit- 

ed  States.  The  remains  of  this  ;«a«v-/,farffrf  wo-- 

sTER  like  unto  thofeof  the  Levite's  concubine," 
&c.— Ihe  reft  of  the  paragraph  correfponds  with 
Inch  a  beginning.  Mr.  Fenno  would  certainly  be 
very  glad  if  the  houfe  of  reprefentatives  were 
abo  inied.  If  any  writer  fhould  fneak  in  this  wav 
of  thelenate,  the  fame  editor  would  arraign  hiim  k 
a  jacobin.  Fothe  admirers  of  thefenatorial  p-azette 
an  author  may  reply  in  the  words  of  Boileau  •  "  S^-' 
^1  while  you  can  relifh  fuchverfes  as  thofe  of  your 

marquis,  you  will  do  me  a  particular  pleafure  bv 

deipihng  mine." 

"  If  the  lledaaeur*,"  fays  citizen  Fauchet  "h^d 
contained    againft  the  federal  government,  the 
"  hundredth  part  of  what  is   daily  to  be  found  in 
the  Gazet  e  of  the  United  States,  againft  the  di- 
rectory ;  the  legiflative  body  ;  and,   in  general, 
agamft  the   republic;    fome  forward    deputies 
with  good   realon,   perhaps,   would,   Iope;  aeo' 
have  made  a  motion  for  calling  the  direaorv"/^ 
^  ah  account  on  the  Juhjea.  A  writer,  openJv  known 
;  to  De.n  the  pay  of  the  Britift  legation,  p^.blifhes, 
^  periodically,  m  Philadelphia,  the  moft  atrocious 
...  '!'?"'\l/Sainft  us;  and  it  is  almoft  certain,  tl-t 
■  this  libeller  is  encouraged  by  all  thofe  who  com- 
pofe  the  adminiftrationt." 

Prefident  Adams  has  obligingly  afcertained,  that 
this  Britin,  agent  enjoys  his  patronage,  by  pJrmit- 
tmg  tlie  man  to  publifti  an  edition  of  his  Defence. 
I  \  r^™'!!  "'■T*"'''^".  "'■■='"  ■''■'=  '■"«"»«  of  theaireacrv. 


192  SKETCHES    OF    THE 

No  peiTon  has  been  more  feverely  attacked  by 
tne  friends  of  order  than  Mr.  Frederick  Auguflus 
Muhlenberg.  At  the  fame  time,  his  political  friends 
have  been  offended  by  his  cafting  vote  in  favour 
of  Jay's  treaty.  The  following  paper^  written  by 
himfelf,  explains  the  motives   of  his  conduct. 

*'  Since  the  decifion  of  the  treaty  bufinefs,  I 
*'  have  been  charged  with  defertingthe  republican 
"  ca>iic,  and  aiSling  with  duplicity.  A  fhort  hiftory 
•'  or  iiate  of  fads  is  fubmittcd  to  impartial 
"  friends. 

*'  I  was  oppofed  to  the  treaty  from  its  firfi:  cp- 
*'  pearance,  and  was  one  of  the  committee  who 
*'  applied  to  the  executive  not  to  ratify  it.  When 
"  tlie  queiiion  for  pading  the  laws  necejffary  to 
"  carry  it  into  eiievfr  was  agitate^d  in  the  commit- 
*'  tee  of  the  v/hole,  I  continued  to  oppofe  to  it, 
*' But  finding  the  numerous  petitions  in  favour  of 
**  it ;  the  unufual  fenfation,  and  party  rancour,  it 
"  had  occafioned,  particularly  to  the  eaftward,  and 
*'  confidering  that  it  had  been  ratified  by  two-thirds 
'-  of  the  fenate  and  the  prefident,  I  did  not  think 
*'  it  was  prudent  to  carry  the  oppoiition  farther, 
'*  unlefs  it    appeared  probable  that  there  would  be 

a  refpeclable  majority  in  the  houfe  to  counterba- 
"  lance  the  weight  of  its  friends  and  fupporters.  I 
"  felt  a  decided  beliefthatotherV.'ifeoppofilion  would 
"  tend  more  to  injure  than  benefit  the   republican 

caufc.  I  avowed  this  opinion,  at  feveral  private 
'*■  meetings  of  members  of  the  houfe,  at  one  of 
*'  wli i ch  I  was  pointedly  aiked  what  I  deemed  a  refpec- 
*'  table  majority,  and  whether  I  deemed  fifteen,  fuch 
*'  as  had  appeared  on  the  queflion  for  obtaining 
**  the  papers,  a  refpeclable  one  ?  I  replied  that  I  did, 
**  and  that  I  thought  eight  refpedable,  but  in  this  in- 
•*  fiance  would  even  be  content  with  five.  I  ex- 
"  preifed  my  doubts  whether   that  number  would 


HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  155 

'*  eventually  appear,  although  the  gentlemen  pre- 
*'  fent  were  of  a  different  opinion.  From  the  know- 
*'  ledge  which  I  had  of  the  lentiments  of  the  members, 
*'  which  I  exprefTed  to  feveral  of  my  friends  on 
*'  the  morningof  theday  on  which  the  decifion  took 
**  place,  it  terminated  m.uch  in  the  manner  that  I 
*'  expefted.  To  many  members  of  the  then  con- 
*'  grefs  I  can  appeal  for  the  truth  of  the  above ; 
*•  and  I  challenge  any  one  of  my  acquaintances, 
"  either  in  or  out  of  congrefs,  to  prove  that  I  ever 
•*  pledged  myfeif,  at  all  events,  to  vote  againil 
"  appropriations.  I  had  an  opinion  of  my  o^vn, 
*'  and  was  determined  to  vote  as  exifting  circum- 
*'  ftances  fhould  dire^Tt  to  be  molt  prudent,  and  for 
*'  the  real  benefit  of  my  country.  As  to  a  feem- 
**  ing  inconriitency  in  my  conduct,  w^hen  tiie  qucf- 
"  tioa  was  before  the  lioufe,  i  equally  deny  that. 
"  I  was  for  the  preamble,  w^hich  declares  the  treaty 
"  objeftionable.  By  calling  the  yeas  and  nays,  I 
knew  that  this  opinion,  whether  it  prevailed  or 
not,  would  be  brought  on  the  journals,  v/here 
my  name  appears  in  the  affirmative.  This  being 
**  e[feAed,IcaredleIs  about  the  final  decifion,  though 
"  the  imperious  circumxflances  which  prefentcd 
"  themfelves  led  me  to  confent  to  the  meafnre,  lea- 
"  ving  the  refponfibility  with  thofe  who  had  for- 
**  med  and  ratified  the  treaty,  and  had  been  fo 
"'  indefatigable  in  raifmg  the  ftorm,  and  bringing 
*'  thehoufe,  and  this  country,  into  fo  difgraceful  a 
dilemma.  If  I  have  erred,  I  have  experienced 
*'  the  human  lot.  If  I  have  injured  my  country, 
"  which  I  cannot  yet  fee,  it  was  not  done  defign- 
"  edly.  Suffice  it  to  fay,  I  a6led  according  to  the 
*'  beil  of  my  judgement,  v/ithout  intereflcd  views, 
**  and  with  a  full  knowledge  that  it  would  injure 
*'  me  with  thofs  v/ho  deem  themfelves  excluilve 
'*  patriots  and  republicans.     But  as   neither  that 

Bb 


194  SKETCHES    OF    THE 

'•  confideration,  nor  any  interefted  views  whatever 
*'  have,  fo  I  trufl  that  they  never  will  have,  an 
"  inl^uence  on  my  own  opinion  and  judgment  in 
*'  public  affairs.  Whatever  improper  motives  may 
"  be  afcribed  to  me,  a  conrGioufneis  of  having  ac- 
"  ted  uprightly  will  confole  me,  whilfl  I  am  fatif^ 
**  fied  that  I  have  tlie  genuine  republican  intereil:  of 
*'  this  country  as  much  at  heart,  as  any  one,  though 
'*  I  may  raife  leis  clamour  about  it.  So  far  from 
**  having  deferred  it,  I  can  with  greater  truth  and 
**  propriety  ailert,  that  many  of  my  quondam  re- 
^'  publican  friends  have  deferted  me,  and  treated 
**  me  uDgeneroufly. 
"  Philadelphia,  1 
^^  January  ijh  1798.'*  / 


CHAPTER    IX. 

General  rejnarks  on  the  [late  of  the  union. — Dearth 
of  provifions. — Hard/hips  of  the  poor  .^^  Met  ho  els 
i?z  Europe  to  prevent  f amine.-' — Plan  for  relieving 
the  poor. "^Unequal  prejjure  of  taxes. — Double- 
head's  horfes.'—OppreJflveJuperiority  of  the  Ame- 
rican landed  inter  eft. ^^On  the  prefent  j car  city  of 
cafJi. — hnportance  of  Ainerican  manufaChires .* — ■ 
Hiftory  of  the  American  navy  ^-^—Summary  of  the 
prefent  Jituation  of  the  United  States, 

1  T  is  clear,  at  the  firft  glance,  that  fome- 
thing  mufl  be  unnatural  in  the  prefent  condition  of 
the  United  xState^.,,  Except  in  fome  parts  of  New- 
England,  they  are  fi'ee  from  the  cxpcnfive  ufurpa- 
tion  of  an  eftabliraed  church.  Induftry  is  not  cranil^- 
ed  by  corporation  laws.  Excellent  land  may  be  had 


HISTORY   OF    AMERICA.  195- 

for  a  trifle.  The  people,  in  proportion  to  their 
numbers,  are  taxed,  upon  an  average,  above  iGwea 
times  lefs  than  thofe  of  Britain-'^.  Yet  with  all  theie 
circumftances,  fo  prodigioufly  favourable  to  prof- 
perity,  government  flaggers  under  a  heavy  debt, 
df  which  the  interefl  is  paid  by  an  effort.  Congrefs 
want  to  borrow  farther  funis,  and  it  is  hard  to  fee 
where  the  fmallefl  loan  can  be  had.  Their  inge- 
nuity has  been  racked  in  devifing  taxes,  of  which 
fome  were  unprodut^ive,  like  that  upon  fnuif,  and 
others,  like  the  fugar  excife,  wereoppreffive.  Both 
impofb  and  internal  taxes  are  carried  as  far  as  they 
can  go  ;  and  the  laft  and  prefent  houfe  of^reprefen- 
tatives  have,  by  a  large  majority,  rejected  a  land- 
tax. 

Within  lefs  than  nine  years  from  the  birth  of  her 
new  conflitutiont,  America  feems  to  have  com- 
pleted the  career  of  her  funding  fyftem,  and  to  be 
as  firmly  wedged  in  all  its  evils,  as  the  monarchy 
of  France  was,  jufi;  before  it  expired.  By  fea,  an 
attempt  was  made  to  build  fix  frigates.  After  dri- 
velling for  fome  years,  without  being  able  to  finifh 
them,  the  propofed  number  was  reduced  to  three. 
By  land,  it  has  been  found  burdenfome  to  fupport 
an  eftablifhment  of  three  thoufand  regulars.  At  fea, 
our  commerce  has  been  plundered  with  impunity, 
by  every  nation  that  chofe  to  do  fo ;  while  the 
whole  weftern  frontier  has  been  violated  by  a  few 
folitary  tribes  of  favages,  who  make  treaties  only 
to  break  them,  and  whofe  fufpenfion  of  hoflility  is 

*  If  this  country  contains  five  millions  of  inhabitants,  the  net 
amount  of  taxes  for  the  year  ending  on  September  3cth,  1796,  came 
to  a  dollar  and  one-third  per  head.  Britain  has  a  population  of  ten 
millions.  They  now  (January  1798)  are  faid  to  pay  twenty-two  mil- 
lions and  an  half  fterling  of  annual  taxes,  which  make  ten  dollars 
per  head.  The  fupplies  for  the  current  year  are  not  here  included. - 

+  Congrefs  met,  for  the  firft  time,  at  New- York,  on  April  i^j 


ig^  SKETCHES    OF    THE 

always  courted  by  government  with  frefh  prefents. 
It  is  hard  to  conceive  a  more  confummatepicTliirc  of 
political  debility.  With  excellent.  Tailors,  and  the 
bed  fnip  timber  in  the  world,  America  cannot  ob- 
tain a  fleet.  With  a  militia  of  immenle  numbers, 
the  Indians  are  yet  permitted  to  murder  families  by 
tUe  dozen. 

In  the  fea-port  towns  of  this  country  provinons 
were,  for  Ibme  years  pail,  at  a  higher  price  than, 
in  common  fealons,  they  coft  in  any  part  of  Europe, 
Yet,  in  1797,  ^^e  exports  comprifed  an  hundred 
and  forty  one  thoufand  bufnels  of  wheat ;  tv/o  mil'- 
lions  one  hundred^and  eighly-feven  thoufand  bufliels 
of  other  grain  and  pulfe ;  fix  hundred  and  eighty- 
feven  thoufand  barrels  of  flour  ;  an  hundred  and 
feventy-nine  thoufand  barrels  of  meal  and  bread  ; 
an  hundred  and  tij^irty-eight  thoufand  tierces  of  rice  ; 
two  hundred  and  one  thoufand  barrels  of  beef, 
pork,  and  lard  ;  four  hundred  thoufand  quintals,  and 
fifty-fix  thoufand  barrels  offifli  ;  twenty-three  thou- 
fand hundred  weight  of  cheefe  ;  twenty-eight  thou- 
fand firkins  of  butter ;  and  fix  hundred  and  ninety- 
five  thoufand  bulhels  of  potatoes  and  onions.  Nor 
is  this  year  felecled  for  any  peculiar  magnitude  of 
exports.  In  1790,  there  were  fhipped  feven  hundred 
and  tv»'enty-four  thoufand  barrels  of  fiour  ;  in  1791, 
fix  hundred  and  nineteen  thoufand;  in  1792,  eight 
hundred  and  twenty- four  thoufand;  in  1793,  ^^^^ 
million  and  foventy-four  thoufand  3  and,  in  1794, 
€ight  hundred  and  twenty-eight  thoufand.  During 
1796,  an  hundred  and  ninety-feven  thoufand  bar- 
rels of  flour  were  fliipped  at  the  port  of  Philadel- 
phia only.  In  the  marili-market  of  Baltimore,  five 
hundred  turkies  have  been  fometimes  fold  in  a  fni- 
gle  day.  New-York  is  famous  for  the  peculiar  ex- 
cellence and  variety  of  its  fifxi;  and  Philadelphia 
4i  amply  fupi^lied  with  every  article  of  fubfiflcnce. 


H  I  S  T  O  II  Y  O  F    AMERICA.  197 

How  then  did  it  happen,. that  tbefe  markets  were, 
for  fo  long  a  period,  exorbitantly  dear?  How  did 
it  come  to  pals  that,  wliile  America  kept  other  na- 
tions from  llarving,  the  manufai!l:urers,  and  la- 
bouring poor,  in  the  fca-ports,  and  through  fome 
parts  of  the  country,  were  condemned  to  extortion  ? 
At  fifteen  dollars  per  barrel,  a  pound  of  flour 
comes  to  four-pence,  and  one-feventh  flerling.  Add 
one-third  for  the  profit  of  the  baker.  It  then  cods 
fix-pence  flerling,  or  ten-pence  currency.  At  this 
price,  a  labouring  man,  with  a  dolI?ir  per  working 
day,  a  wife  and  four  children,  could  only  buy,  out 
of  his  dollar,  nine  or  ten  pounds  of  bread;  and  on 
Sunday  he  mufl  have  faded.  For  fix  perfons  this 
pittance  was  jail:  able  to  keep  foul  and  body  toge- 
ther. But  what  was  he  to  do  for  a  relifn  to  ills  bread  ? 
Himfelf  and  family  could  not  go  naked.  Afwarm  of 
incidents  v/ere  to  rulh  upon  his  pocket^^. 

Each  day  commences  with  a  cloud  of  biils. 
For  taylors,  iiurfes,  fpelling-books,  and  piiis; 
To-night,  more  cradles  he  rr.uft  buy  or  borrow. 
And  a  twelfth  fexton's  fee  pay  down  to-morrow. 

Houferent,  alfo,  was  an  important  item.  He  had,, 
if  in  town,  to  pay,  at  lead,  forty  dollars  per  an- 
num for  fome  hole,  befide  which,  an  EngliPn  far- 
mer's pig-dye  was  another  temple  of  Ephefus.  It  is 
amazing  to  think  of  the  patience  with  which  poor 
people  do,  in  this  country,  endure  fuch  treatment ; 
and  of  the  profound  filence,  regarding  their  wrongs, 
that  is  obferved  by  our  admirable  newfpapers. 
When  a  tradefman  cannot,  with  his  utmofl  induflry, 
keep  his  children  from  ftarving ;  when  not  a  fingle 
flatute  interpofes  for  his  relief,   what  ought  he  to 

*  In  1780,  in  the  midil  of  a  bloody  war,  in  a  country  compara- 
lively  barren,  and  over-loaded  with  innGimerable  taxes,  fourteen 
ounces  of  the  fiaeft  wheaten  bread  were  fold  at  Kdinburgh,  for  ono 
penny  ilerling. 


198  SKETCHES    OF    THE 

care  who  fiiall  be  prefident,  or  what  becomes  of  the 
legidature  of  the  flate  wherein  he  lives,  or  of  the 
reprefentatives  of  the  union  ?  The  man  to  whom 
government  does   not  exte.nd  fiiitable  protection, 
has  no  obligation  to  feel  towards  it  either  gratitude, 
attachment,  or  relpeLT:.    The  wages  of  labour  did 
not  rife  in  any  thing  like  an  equal  proportion  to  the 
price  of  provifions,  and  the  general  expence  of  liv- 
ing.- Thus  the  poor  were  placed,  like  Tantalus,  jufl: 
within  reach  of  plenty,    which   they  were   forbid- 
den to  talle.    The  bed  eccnomiil  in   Philadelphia 
would   be  puzzled  to  fupport  a  family  of  fu^  per- 
fbns,   though   he   had  ten  dollars  per  week,  when 
flour  was  at  fifteen,  or  even  twelve  dollars,  per  bar- 
rel.   But  it  is  certain  that  great  numbers  of  tradei^ 
men  and  labourers  protracted  the  exiflence  of  them- 
felves  and  their  families,  upon  a  w^eekly  income  of 
fix  or  eisrht  dollars,  while  flour  flood  at  fifteen  dol- 
lars,  and  while  fome  of  Mr.  Thomas  Wiliing's  com- 
purgators* were  borrowing  and  lending  wind-bills 
and  paper  dollars  to  each  other,  at  live  per  cent,  a 
irionth,   to  facilitate  the  exportation  of  feven  hun^ 
dred  thoufand  barrels  of  flour.     Both  fides  of  this 
picflure  explain  why  the  prifon  of  Philadelphia  has 
long  been  as  populous  as  a  bee-hive,  and  why,  in 
the  yellow  fever  of  Augufl,  1797,  numbers  of  citi- 
zens were  compelled  to  remain  and  perifl),  becaufe 
tl^ey  could  dot  mufler  the  expences  requilite  for  a 
removal.  The  poor  form  the  pedeftal  on  which  fo- 
ciety  does  ultimately  refi: ;  and  this  is  the  degree  of 
attention  which  they  and  their  hardfliips  meet  with, 
from  the  government  and  police  of  this  wifefl  of 
nations. 

Such  a  vafl:  and  fadden  rifain  the  rate  of  fubfiflence 
mufi:,  in  England,  have  produced  an  aclual  famine, 

*  Sec  the  laft  chapter. 


HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  199 

Jind  thoLifands  were  fure  to  have  died  of  hunger, 
though  admimftration  would  undoubtedlyhave  done 
every  thhig  poflible  to  prevent  it.  A  London  nev/.{^ 
paper  of  December,  1795,  ^^ysj  that  two  millions 
llerlinghad,  in  that  year,  been  paid  for  bounties  on 
the  importation  of  corn.  This  bounty  proved  a  trap- 
door to  American  merchants.  Flour  was  bought 
here  at  fourteen  dollars  per  barrel,  and  fold  in  Li- 
verpool for  eight  dollars.  The  bounty  might,  per- 
haps, cover  the  expence  of  freight.  Members 
of  parliament,  and  others,  entered  into  refolutions 
for  eating  coarfe  bread,  and  the  homelinefs  of 
that  ferved  up  at  the  royal  table  was  defcribed, 
in  a  miniderial  print,  v/lth  minutenefs  and  ex- 
ultation. But  in  America,  mifery,  like  that  then 
felt  in  England,  can  hardly  take  place  ;  becaufc 
the  cheapnefs  of  land  outweighs  many  iegilla- 
tive  imperfedions.  Nine-tenths  of  people  arc 
farmers,  and  of  confequence  take  care,  in  the  firft 
place,  to  feed  themfclves.  Of  the  refl,  a  large 
majority  pofTefs  property  of  fome  kii^d,  and  do  not 
live,  as  the  phrafe  is,  fiom  hand  to  mouth.  Hence 
the  pollitive  fafFerers  formed  a  much  leffer  propor- 
tion to  the  community  than  they  would  have  done 
in  France,  ,or  England.  Now,  it  always  happens 
that  a  poor  man,  refidingin  the  midll  of  ten  others 
richer  than  himfelf,  contrives  to  jofllc  on  with 
more  eafe  than  if  all  his  neighbours  were,  like  him, 
neceflitous.  This  is  one  main  reafon  why  the 
more  dependent  clafs  in  the  fea-ports  did  not  en- 
dure that  awful  extremity  of  diflrefs  which,  in 
1795,  almofh  overwhelmed  Britain.  Befides,  if  a 
poor  maa  has  a  num.erous  family,  he  can  find 
Ibme  perfon  who  v/ill  take  healthy  children  on  an 
indenture,  as  fervants  or  apprentices*. 

*  This  is  the  cafe  in  Pennfylvania,  but  New-England  difTcrs 
from  it.  A  perfon  there  will,  it  is  faid,  be  glad  to  fupport  his 
{f>r\  during  an  apprenticefhip,  for  the  fake  of  his  learning  the 
trade. 


%00  SK  E  T  C  H  E  S    O  F    T  H  S 

f    But,  for  thefe  alleviating  circumflances,  no  thanks 
are  due  to    the   rulers    of  America  ;  and   though 
people  did  not  abfolutely  die  of  hunger,  yet  there 
exilted  between  that  and_  competency  many  modes 
of  iubftantial    hard    fortune.     It    was  culpable  in 
our   legiflators  to  (land  tamely  by,    while  part  of 
its  citizens  laboured  under  fuch  peculiar  penury. 
Yet  it  is  more  eafyto  point  out  misfortunes  than 
to  provide  an  etFetStual  remedy.-  In  Europe,  five 
different  methods  have  been  practifcd  to  prevent  or 
to  remove  the  diftrelTes  of  famine.     One  of  thefe 
is  to  prolfer  a  bounty  on  the  inflant  importation  of 
foreign    grain.     The   fecond   gives    premiums  for 
the  improvement    of  agriculture.     As  for  Ameri- 
can  fcarcity,    both   of  thefe  plans   are  out  of  the 
queftion.     Provifions  always  abound,  but  the  poor 
cannot  fometimes  get  at  them.     A  third  expedient 
is   to  prohibit  by  law  the  exporting    of  victuals, 
when  they  have  rifen  in  the  market  beyond  a  cer- 
tain price.     The  maridme  parts  of  Britain    are, 
with  this  view,  divided  into  difrricfls*,  and  the  (he- 
riff  of  each  county,  has  ander  fomc  reftridions, 
Ji     difcretionary    powef    of    opening   or    fliutting 
the  ports.    But  the  Britidi  corn  lav/s  do  not  invite 
imitation.       The^/     propagate    fo     much    confu- 
fion  and  mifchief  as  to  difcour^ge  regulations    of 
that  n^.tur€.     A    fourth  fource  of  relief  has  bxcn 
by    the   difiiribution    of  money,  or  provilions,    at 
the  public  expence.     In  the  cafe  of  the   fire  at  Sa- 
vannah, the    houfe  of  reprefentatives    determined 
that  the  cdndiitution  did  not  allow  them  to  beflow 
charity.     The- aflembly  of  Penfylvania,  however, 
gkve,  on  the   fame  occafion,  fifteen   thoufand  dol- 
lars.    But  this  prz^ftice  of  donations,  befides  being 

■■-r 

*  See  rartico'ars  in   TZr   Political  Progufs  of  Britaifi,  Part  iftj  3"^ 
iediiion,  Chap.  4: a. 


HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  26t 

altogether  a  dirccH:   and  heavy  expence,   becomes 
veiy  liable  to  abufe. 

A  fifth  fcheme,  praiflifed  in  Geneva,  and  Swit- 
zerland, is  to  have  large  granaries  conflantly  flock- 
ed with'  flour.  By  a  peculiar  procefs  of  beating 
it  into  a  hard  fubftance,  flour  is  preferved,  Vv^ith- 
out  injury,  for  feveral  years,  as  lord  Gardenflone 
was  aifured  on  the  fpot,  by  people  concerned  in 
the  budnefs.  Nov/,  although  congrcfs  cannot  give 
money,  they  can  lend  it.  Fifty  thoufand  dolkri-.  were, 
in  1795,  appropriated  for  trading  with  the  Indi- 
ans, and,  in  1796,  an  hundred  and  fifty  thoufand  dol- 
lars*. Congrefs  have  alfo  wandered  to  the  depth 
of  two  millions  of  dollars  in  banking.  It  would 
feeni  as  agreeable  both  to  found  policy,  and  to  the 
conflitution,  to  eflablilh  granaries  in  a  few  of  the 
principal  towns  on  the  fea-coaft  that  are  moft  lia- 
ble to  a  rife  of  markets.  Individual  pride,  and 
Tome  rules  of  rellric^ion,  would  hinder  the  rich,  or 
thofe  in  eafy  circumflances,  from  battening  upon 
this  inftitution.  Let  a  number  of  poor  families 
be  enrolled,  and  fupplied  from  this  fource  with 
flour,  at  all  feafons  of  the  year,  for  fix  dollars  per 
barrel.  This  would  place  the  lower  clafTes  more 
at  their  cafe,  and  tend  greatly  to  cheapnefs  of 
labour,  increafe  of  emigration,  and  the  facility 
of  efbablifning  manufactures. 

Befides  the  good  policy  of  fuch  a  plan,  of  which 
the  above  hints  are  a  faint  outline,  juftice  requires 
retribution  to  the  inhabitants  of  fea-ports,  who 
bear,  beyond  all  proportion,  the  greateft  weight 
of  public  taxes.  In  1796,  the  duties  on  merchan- 
dize and  tonnage  amounted  to  twelve  times  more 
than  the  whole  produce  of  internal  taxes.  But 
it  is  evident  that  the  inhabitints  of  the  fea-port 

*  Folwell's  edition  of  Acls  of  Congrefs,  vol,  iii,  p.  252  and  259. 
C  c 


ioi  SKETCHES    OP    THE 

towns  confume  a  greater  quantity  of  the  imports 
than  an  equal  number  of  people  in  the  country^ 
efpecially  at  a  diftance  from  the  fea-coall:.  For 
inilance,  take  the  article  of  clothing.  In  towns, 
a  weaver  is  generally  a  rare  phsenomenon.  It  is 
believed  that  Philadelphia  does  not  contain  even  a 
fingle  weaver.  But  in  the  country,  and  efpeci- 
ally remote  from  the  fca,  the  people  make  their 
own  cloth.  In  the  debates  on  Mr.  Madifon's  re- 
iolutior,*,  general  Scott,  of  ^Vailiington  county, 
in  thls-flate,  obferved,  that  the  uwion  contained 
,aboiit  four  millions  and  five  hundred.thoufand  peo- 
ple, and  that  their  bedding  and  cloathing  could 
Hot  come  to  lefs  than  ten  dollars  annually  per 
head,  being,  in  the  whole,  forty- five  millions  of  dol- 
lars. ''  Where  faid  he,  '^  do  all  thefe  manufactures 
^'  come  from  ?  Suppofe  that  Britilli  imports  were 
*'  two  millions  fterling,  and  one  half  of  them  in 
*'  clothing.  The  amount  is  only  about  four  mil- 
*^  lions  and  live  hundred  thoufand  dollars,  or  one- 
^'  tenth  part  of  the  annual  confumption.^'  None 
of  thefe  calculations  can  be  rigidly  exacT:*.  Yet 
they  clearly  fl^ew  that  one  great  branch  of  impoll; 
falls  by  far  the  moft  heavily  on  people  in  the  fea- 
ports,  who,  at  lead  to  the  fouth  of  New-England, 
wear,  in  general,  Britifli  or  Irifti  manufactures, 
\vhile  inland  inhabitants  are  fpinning  and  weaving 
for  themfelves.  Other  articles,  fuch  as  wine,  tea, 
fagar,  and  coffee,  are  ufed  much  more  commonly 
in  towns  than  in  the  country.  It  has  always  been 
a  favourite  maxim  in  congrefs  to  tiirow  the  flrefs 
of  taxation  upon  iniyofl:,  and  recently  on  excife. 
Hence,  it  is  likely,  that  the  fifty  or  fixty  thoufand 
inhabitants    of  Philadelphia    pay  thrice   as  much 

*  The  duty  ort  articles  of  wearing  does  not,  probably,  exceed 
cne-fourth  part  of  the  whole  impoft,  Confult  Mr,  Galliatin  p.  iS. 


HISTORY    O^'    AMERICA.  203 

money  to  government  as  the  four  weflern  coun- 
ties of  Pennfylvania,  the  flates  of  Vermont, 
TenncfTee,  and  Kentucky  collectively.  While  the 
legiflature  give  fix  hundred  and  twenty  dollars 
for  the  fare  of  Doublehead's  horfcs*,  and  lixty-four 
thoufand  dollars  per  annum  in  the  thape  of  pcn- 
fions  and  rations  to  the  favagest,  it  would  not 
certainly  be  extravagant  to  lay  out  fifty  or  an  hun* 
dred  thoufand,  upon  granaries  for  the  benefit  of 
a  mod  ufeful  body  of  citizens. 

The  landed  intereil;  enjoys,  indeed,  entire  af- 
cendany,  in  the  federal  government.  The  con- 
iiitution,  article  i.  fe»5lion  ix.  fays,  that  ^'  n6 
"  tax  or  duty  f!iall  be  laid  on  articles  '^exported 
*' from  any  Hate/'  Section  x.  apparently  rev erfes 
this  article  by  declaring,  that  "  no  flate  fliall, 
*'  without  the  confcnt  of  congrefs ^  lay  any  impofts 
"  or  duties  on  imports,  or  exports^  except  what 
*^  may  be  abfolutely  neceiTary  for  executing  its 
''  infpcc^ion  laws."  By  the  iirfl  claufe,  defining 
the  power  of  congrefs,  they  are  difabled  from  lay- 
ing any  duty  on  exports.  By  the  fecond,  they  can 
exprefsly  grant  a  power  to  individual  ftates  of  lay- 
ing duties  on  exports,  beyond  what  is  needful 
for  the  purpofe  of  inrpe<n:ion.  They  are  authori- 
zed to  give  a  right,  which  they  dare  not  exercife 
in  their  own  capacity.  But  painng  over  this  feem- 
ing  inconfiftency,  the  received  doi^rine  is  tKat 
no  duty  can  be  levied  on  exports.  By  this  ex- 
emption, the  farmers  gain  an  immenfe,  and  appa- 
rently an  unfair  advantage.  A  barrel  of  flour,  or 
a  hogdiead  of  tobacco,  when  exported,  brings  as 

*  '*  To  David  Whitmore,  on  account  of  horfc  keeping  for  fundry 

«  Indians, 620  dollars." 

Trcafurers  Accounts  f^r  l']Cj6t  p.    12.3, 

+  Mr.  WoIcott*s  report  for  1797,  p.  22,  where  the  firil  five  arti- 
cles of  the  Indian  department^  are  exclufively  for  the  ufc  of  ladian;^ 
^nd  come  to   that  fum. 


204  SKETCHES    OF    THE 

clear  profit  to  its  owner  as   a  loaf  of  refined  fa- 
gar  ;  nor  is  it  obvious  that  there  ihoiild  be  a  diflinc- 
tion  in  the  right  of  taxing  them.     When  feven  or 
eight  liundred  thoufand  barrels  of  flour  are  expor- 
ted in    a  fingje  year,   at   the  exorbitant    price  of 
twelve  or  fifteen  dollars,  one  fhould  imagine  that  the 
farmer  might  well  afford  to  pay  a  duty  of  one  dollar 
per  barrel.  This  clafs  reap  undifturbed  the  profit  of 
^n  immenfe  exportation,  while  they  call:  the  burden 
of  public  expence  almoft  entirely  on  the  manufac- 
turers, and  confumersof  exports.     A  land  tax  lias 
been  oppofed  as  impracticable  to  be  levied.     A  du- 
ty on  exports  might  be  collected  without  the  addi- 
tion of  many  revenue  officers,  9.rid  perhaps  without 
the  fmallefl  increafe  of  their  prefent  number. 

From  the  prodigious  advance  in  the  amount  of 
exports,  a  quefiion  has  been  ftarted  as  totliefcarcity 
of  money,  for  the  two  lail:  years.  Mr.  Harper,  in 
his  firH:  letter  to  his  confcituents,  fays,  p.  21,  that 
^'  it  would  be  very  much  for  our  intereft  for  Bri- 
''  tain  to  remain  at  war  with  all  Europe,  becaufe 
^'  flie  and  her  enemies  are  obliged  to  purchafe  our 
*'  proviftons  at  an  eiior.vioi^s  price^  and  our  neutra- 
^^  lity  gives  us  immenfe  advanta?,es  in  the  carrying 
^^  trade. ^^'  If  foreign  nations  could  be  prevented 
from  fea-robbery,  the  United  States  might  certainly 
derive  benefit,  though  it  would  be  purchafed  on 
ihocicing  conditions.  There  is  a  greater  advantage 
to  be  hoped  from  it.  The  contending  powers,  by 
the  v/eakening  of  each  other,  may,  for  fome  years, 
be  difabled  from  tyrannizing  fo  much  as  they  would, 
perhaps,  be  otherwife  difpofed  to  do,  over  the  de~ 
fencelefs  navigation  of  America.  The  captures 
which' they  have  made  afford  one  great  reafon  for 
the  decline  of  credit.  This  lofs  falls  chiefly  on  the 
mercantile  interefi:,  and  the  fcarcity  of  cafli  is  mofl 
felt  in  that  quarter.    With  augmented  profits,  the 


HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  205 

farmers  have,  undoubtedly,  much  augmented  their 
expence  of  houfe-keeping.  Their  demands  for  ma~ 
nufadlures  increaicd  confiderably,  at  lead  in  forac 
parts  of  the  union,  during  1796.  But  beddes,  the 
country  holds  out  an  immenfe  field  for  impi'ovc- 
ment,  and  it  is  improving  rapidly  in  fpite  of  the 
alledged  fcarcity  of  cafli.  x\  man  dealing  to  the  va- 
lue pL  ten  thoufand  dollars,  makes  often  .larger 
gains,  than  from  turning  over  only  two  thouiand  , 
but  as  his  projeds  frequently  augment  much  falter 
than  his  capital,  he  very  ofien  finds  himfelfmore 
ftraitened  than  when  his  expelled  profits  were 
much  fmaller.  The  fpirit  of  exceffive  land-jobbing 
on  one  fide  may  turn  out  as  dillrefling  as  that  of 
over-trading  on  the  other.  EacK  difteniper  will,  in 
due  time,  partly  cure  itfelf.  If  matters  could  be 
reduced  to  a  proper  level,  it  will  be  found  that 
there  has  been  rather  a  diftortion,  and  partial  mif- 
application,  than  a  diminution  of  general  wealth, 
whi^h,  when  matters  can  be  duly  tempered  and  ba- 
lanced, has  undoubtedly,  within  the  lall  three  years, 
received  fome  increafe.  In  every  part  of  the  coun^ 
try,  the  area  of  cultivated  land  is  hourly  augment- 
ing. Every  newfpapcr  announces  the  formation  of 
additional  fettlements,  the  planning  of  roads  and 
bridges,  and  fometimes  of  canals,  and  though  our 
numbers  are  daily  augmenting,  yet  every  man  con- 
net'l:cdwit'h  agriculture,  finds  employment  and  com- 
penfation.  Withinxthe  lafl  twelve  months,  land  has^ 
indeed,  fallen  much  in  its  value,  and  efpecially  in 
the  back  countries  ;  but  that  is  becaufe  it  had  been 
racked  beyond  its  real  worth  by  the  dreams  of  fpe- 
culation.  That  fever  is  now  fubfiding,  and  the  pulfe 
of  prices,  by  returning  to  its  former  and  more  ileady 
height,  promifes,  not  a  decline  ©f  vigour,  but  the 
reftoration  of  political  health.  One  of  our  infolvent 
land-jobbcrsj  whofe  bills  are  advertifed  for  aucTrion, 


'*'5i«^6  SKETCHES    OF    THE 

and  knocked  down  at  a  (lulling  or  fix-pence  per 
pound,  will,  perhaps,  tell  a  creditor,  that  he  is  one 
of  the  richeft  men  in  the  country^  but  that  the 
bankruptcies  in   Europe  caiifed  the  return  of  bis 
bills  under  proteU,  and  he  cannot  fubmit  to  fell  his 
lands,  at  this  jun(n:ure,  whei^  they  would  not  bring 
oiic-hgif  of  their  real  value.  He,  therefore,  locks 
himfelf  up,  and  till  the  return  of  better  days,  bids 
defiaiire  to  jallice.    In  this  explanation,   however, 
that  he  gives,  there  occurs  no  accrual  deftruaion  of 
real  property,  but  of  that  which  was  imaginary.  He 
obtained  immenfe  fums  in  paper  money,  which  .he 
never  could  have  procured  in  gold  and  fllver.    He 
became  entangled  with  the  brokers,  at  thirty  or  {]xty 
per  cent,  amd,  in  his  explofion,  ruined  an  immenle 
number  of  creditors.    Still,  however,  the  land  re- 
m:m'i3.  The  grafs  will  grow;    the  corn  will  ripen; 
andthe  ifl:>ilwiil,  in  due  time,  bring  its  natural  price, 
yift  as  if  he  and  his  projects  never  had  exilied.   The 
r^in  of  fo  many  individuals  is  a  confiderable  mif- 
fortune  ;  but  ftiU  it  is  one  of  that  kind  from  which 
th-  coun!:ry  r.t  large,  though  not  the  immediate  fuf- 
ferers,  will  foon  recover.  The  bankof  Ayr,  in  North 
Britain,  which  broke  near  thirty  years  ago,  is  a  cafe 
in  point.   After  a  fhort,  but  rapid  progrels,  it  ftopt 
payment,  having  granted  credit  almofl  indifcrimi- 
natcly,  to  every  adventurer.  To  have  feen  the  lifts 
of  bankruptcies,  and  the  notices  of  the  fale  of  lands, 
one  miglp/c  have  fuppofed  that  the  nation  was  irre- 
deemably ruined.  Befides  every  other  fort  of  mif- 
chicf,  laud  wasj  within  a  few  years,  fold,  to  pay  the 
company's  debts,   to   the   value  of  feven  hundred 
thoufand  pounds  fterling.  But  amidil  all  this  alarm, 
it  Vw-as  not  an  extin(!l:ion  but  only  a  transference  of 
property.  Agriculture  continued  to  extend  its  pro- 
grefs,  \v\th  more  than  iifual  rapidity ;   and  notwitfi- 
flanding  the  wreck  of  fo  much  private  credit^  the 


HISTORY    OF     AMERICA,  ,,. 

effeas  were  not  vifible  in  the  general  mafs  of  pro^ 
perty.  This  faft,  however  unaccountable,  was  re- 
iierally  remarked  at  the  time;  and  as  the  natural 
relources  of  America  are  infinitely  greater  than  thofe 
of  North. Britain,  flie  will  overcome  this  embarrafP 
ment  with  full  greater  f^iciiity. 

To  haften  this  amendment,  a  check  Hionld  be 
given  to  the  enormous  extent  of  paper  currency. 
No  expeoient  appears  lefs  dil-lreiling  to  individuals 
or  more  fimple  and  expeditious  in  its  operation  than 
to  aoohOi  all  notes  under  fifty  dollars.  An  inter- 
val of  time  would,  no  doubt,  be  granted  to  prevent 
too  fudden  a  jerk  in  the  ftate  of  circulation.  Some 
effeftual  fleps  ought  likewife  to  be  taken  for  the 
fupprelfion  of  ufury.  Till  that  bramble  fhall  be 
gruobed  from  the  roots,  all  other  regulations  will 
be  found  incomplete,  'for  the  recovery  of  mcrcn- 
tile  foundnefs.  This  truth  is  fo  trite  as  to  be  re- 
peated in  this  place  with  rciuaance.  But  the  prac- 
tice of  exacling  enormous  interefl,  has  become  ib 
frequent,  and  its  profelTorB  are  now  fo  numerous 
that  to  give,  or  to  receive  thirty  per  cent,  is  not  con- 
lidered  as  difgraceful. 

It  cannot  be  too  often  repeated  that  till  the  e- 
orbitant  quantity  of  paper  money /liall  be  reduced 
and  till  the^pracTtice  of  ufury  fhall  alfo  be  checked! 
all  hopes  of  being  able  to  manufacture  entireiv  for 
ourfelves  muft  end  with  difappointment  The 
importance  of  that  object  has  been  flated  in  an 
advertifementof  a  late  edition  of  Shakefpeare,  and 
the  following  extract  merits  prefervation.  ''The 
independence  of  the  United  States  cannot  be 
^^fecure  tillwe  fhall  be  much  farther  removed 
than  at  prefent,  from  the  neceffity  of  importinjr 
^    the  manufacWes    of  Europe.     It   is  ridiculon! 


and  humiliating,  that  we  fliould  ib   frequently 
fend  four  taoufaiid  niiles  for  ^  p*ir  of  blankets, 


2o8  SKETCHES    OF    THE 

"  a  pen -knife,  a  pfalm-book-  and  a  quire  of  pa- 
^' per.  This  fitpation,  fo  unnatural  and  abfurd, 
^'  cannot  laft  long,  and,  the  fooner  that  we  put 
'"^  an  end  to  it,  the  better.  It  was  the  conflant 
*'  policy  of  Britain,  to  rivet  the  (hackles  of  this 
*'  country,  by  ftraUgling  in  their  cradle,  her  in- 
*'  fant  manufactures.  Chatham,  whofe  f!:atue  has 
"  been  ereCled  and  demolillied  hi  this  country, 
''  declared,  in  parliament,  that  he  would  not  fuf- 
*'  fer  the  colonies  to  manufat^iire  a  hob-nail  for  a 
^'  horfedioe.  If  this  antagonill:  of  America,  could 
''  exprefs  himielf  in  fuch  language,  wc  know  upon 
*^  what  quarter  public  intereft  calls  for  exertion. 
^'  VVe  no  longer  fend  for  hob-nails,  becaufe,  by  a 
''late  ingenious  invention,  we  make  nails  better, 
^^  quicker,  and  cheaper  than  any  other  people  ;  and 
'•  we  may  ibon  expecft  other  difcoveries  of  utility. 
''  Of  manufatftures  few  deferve  encouragement 
^'  better  than  that  of  paper.  But  it  can  never 
^'  reach  maturity,  while  we  continue  to  import 
*•  annually  from  Europe,  fuch  immenfe  quanti- 
*^  ties  of  printed  books.  As  paper  itfelfismade 
*'  out  of  rags,  and  as  this  is  the  only  ufe  to  which 
*^  they  can  be  put,  the  price  of  paper  manufadrur- 
*'  cd  in  America,  is,  in  a  great  meafure,  clear 
"  gain  to  the  country.  This  is  one  reafon  why 
^'  the  ere(ri:ion  of  paper  mills  claims  patronage 
*'  from  every  friend  to  the  United  States. 

"  But  that  is  not  all.  By  extending  the  fcale  of 
*^  making  paper,  we  may  exped:  to  lovvxr  its  price, 
'^^  and  by  lowering  the  price  of  paper,  we  encou- 
^'  rage  another  great  and  moll;  ufeful  trade,  that 
"'of  printing.  The  latter,  within  the  laft  ten 
'^  years,  has  arifen  in  this  city  from  almoft  nothing, 
^'  to  a  confiderable  extent.  Typography  augments 
"  the  flock  of  public  knowledge,  and  knowledge 
''  improves  the  mgrals,  and  flimulates  the  diligence 


jnSTORYOF    AMERICA 

<'tntcr:i/7f:;-    ^°/«r^'-  is  Britain  to  ."r 
"  hti  I'  u     ^"'  ^^^P"'^'    "i^t  no  book  which 
has  ever  been  printed  in  that  ifland    is   nZ^A 
.    ^o  be  imported  into  it.    If  fach  a  book  ft]]™ 
^,  of  print   the  nation  niuft  remain  ^.i^houfi    nn 
lefs  a  Bntifhbookreller  fball  republS'     '  ""* 
«  Pn.V   '^  .confiderations   fhevv   the   propriety  of 
"  tha-  r^'"^  '  I'ubiicatipn  liJce  ours!^    ItTsIinfe 
-  tak:  i!TT"   "'^"^'^"^<^'^»-"  fhouid    beg  n    to 

::  kinds  of  domeftic  td"'.":,.  ^%rr]t  :- 

^eaual  method  to  explode  the  fcl  emes  of  t 
c  '-^'g^^onopoly,  and  'the  confpirac  es  of  Fui^ 
;  pean  defpotifm,  to  invigorate  tIe  POLiJrr.T 
"  bSs'^^r:.?""  y-^-'^-tes:tTexte:K  e' 
"  S^ndenS"'    '^■°'^""^^'   ^"'^  ^"^"^  '^- in- 

of'^hfat^e^iS  toS'  ^'^P'"'    "°''^^  --  t^''- 

Such  ^^Si^:r:::::  zt:c^-  -^i^- 

ronnfrTr    f^  1        ^^cvcrcan  lacceed  in  thi^; 

eT    ^he  Srf.   P"'-Pf ' 'i'i -ages  are  redt 

aT]er.^:f5Sr-  etieX:^rr;7 

now  eniov    rte  T?°''r"'f"'  '^  '^'''  which   we 

£fl,u',^e  of  P       r',^'''"  '"'''"^  n,embersoft4 

commiffion  Was    in  i  fH^  "}»"7'th  a  puUic 

public  order      Rn^^^'      "'"*  °^  difrefpeft  to 
P  order.     But  the  not  was  perpetrated  on  the 

•P^S^S.  -f  "'ft°rrof,796,  Char.VII. 


ir<5  SKETCHES    OF    THE 

federal  ^i(jiQ^   and  that  would  have  beert  accepted 
*as  an  ample  excnle,  by  his  prciient  employers,    al- 
though his  rabble  had  burnt  the  ftate-houfe.  No 
aiiortal,  excepting  a  Philadelphian  l?oardof  admiral- 
ty, ever  dreamed  of  paying  the  captain  of   a  fliip 
for  three  or  four  years  before  fiie  was  built.  This 
is  an  undifguifed    theft  of  public    money  ;  yet  al- 
though theft    is  its  only  proper   name,  not  one  of 
our  reprefentatives  has  dared  to  challenge  it.  The 
ialary  is  nine  hundred  dollars    per   annum  ;  and 
fuppofing  it  held  for  three  years  before  the  launch, 
then  each  of  our  three  'captains  has  cofl  two  thou- 
sand feven  hundred  dollars  before  he  had  any  vef- 
fel  to   command.     Our   executive  might    as  well 
have  call  thefe  eight  thoufand  one  hundred  dollars, 
into  the  Delaware.     The  duke  of  Richmond's  tax 
upon  coals  is  a  larger  but  not   a  plainer  job;  nor 
has  the  falary  of  Dr.  James  Meafe,  at  Mud  Illand, 
been  more  woefully  thrown  away*     From   fuch  a 
fample  the  inference  is  that  prodigality  has  engraf- 
ted itfelf  upon   every  other  part  of  the  expendi- 
ture of  the  eleven  hundred  thouland  dollars  ;  and 
that    it    is    imprudent    to   truft   our    exifling  ru- 
lers with  any  money  that  can  be  kept  out  of  their 
hands.     Thefe    penfions  to   captains   are   like    an 
Englifh   county^mark  on  a  fliarper's  cheek,  which 
at  once  unfolds  the  recefies  of  his  charader.  This 
would  have  been   a   powerful    anfwer  from   Mr* 
Chriftie,  toMefTrs.  Parker  andSwanwick's  defence 
of  the  hx  frigates. 

•  On  June  24th,  1797,  Mr.  Gallatin  faid,  in  con- 
grefs,  that  the  building  of  the  frigates  would  coil 
double,  and  the  payment  of  their  fcan^en,  almoft 
treble  of  what  they  would  have  done  in  Britain. 
This  is.one  of  the  confequences  of  an.exccfs  of  pa- 
per money.  A  million  of  dollars,  in  1796,  were  not, 
in  reality,  worth  ;nore  than  feven  hundred  thou- 


HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  sir 

fiind,  or  thereby,  three  years  before.  The  altera- 
tion in  value  has  been  ieverely  felt  by  governments 
From  0<f^ober  id,  1795,  to  September  golh,  1796, 
the  charges  of  the  military  department  amounted 
to  twelve  hundred  andiixty-three  thouiand  dollars. 
Of  this  fum,  it  is  likely  that  one-third  or  fourth  part 
would  have  been  faved,  if  flour  had  not  rifen  be- 
yond eight  dollars  .per  barrel.  If  congrefs  had  been 
able  to  lay  a  duty  upon  exports,  ^his  inconvenience 
mud:  have  found  a  remedy.  A  duty  of  three  dollars 
per  barrel  on  exportation  was  fure  of  making  flour  as 
much  cheaper  at  home.  But  at  prefent,  the  imme- 
furable  influence  of  the  landeii  interefl  overbears 
every  other  part  of  the  community.  Commerce 
cannot  be  prote^Slcd  without  a  fleet,  and  yet  the 
farmers,  who  reap  the  largefl  fhare  of  the  benefits 
of  commerce,  refufe  even  a  penny  to  build  one. 
*'*Youfhall  not  tax  our  exports,"  fays  theconftitu- 
tion.  ''You  fliali  not  tax  our  lands,"  exclaim  the 
farming  majority  in  congrefs.  "Buy  our  flour, 
*'  at  double  the  former  price.  Enfure  and  (liip  it, 
''  You  and  the  underwriters  mnfl  look  to  that.  If 
"  we  are  paid,  it  is  a  matter  of  indifference  in  our 
^'  eyes,  whether  your  vefiels  are  captured  or  not. 
*'  We  fiiall  not  pay  for  mounting  a  iingle  tier  of 
*'  guns  to  protedl  them."  The  farmers  have  treated 
the  merchants  v/ith  as  much  ungenerofityj  as  the 
latter  have  exhibited  towards  their  feamen^'. 

The  original  objedl  of  the  frigates  was  to  fail  to 
the  coaftof  Africa,  and  attack  the  Algerines.  The 
abfurdity  of  that  plan  has  already  been  provedt ; 
but  the  inference  does  not  follow,  that  American 
commerce  can  ever  be  fecure  without  a  navy.  Four 
material  objections  occur  againfl;  proceeding,  at  pre- 
fent,  in  the  bufinefs.  Fir/l^   Government  has  no 

*Hi{lory  of  1796,  Chap.  III. 

i  American  Annual  Regifter,  Chap.  IXL  <&  IX* 


212  SKETCHES    OF    THE 

money,  and  could  not  borrow  a  fum  equal  to  any 
ferious  equipment.  Second^  Unleis  there  is  either 
a  land-tax,  or  an  amendment  of  the  conftitution, 
as  to  taxing  of  exports,  the  treafurymufl  always  be 
in  a  mendicant  condition,  and  incapable  to  fiipport 
a  navy,  though  it  were  built  for  nothing.  Iliird^ 
It  is  admitted,  that  the  frigates  have  coft  much 
more  than  they  fhould  have  done,  after:  allow- 
ing for  the  rife  of  wages.  Hence,  it  is  difagreeable 
to  vote  money  for  fuch  bad  managers.  Fourth^  If 
Mr.  Ad  am  5  pofTeffed  a  fleet  of  any  tolerable  force, 
he  would  never  be  quiet,  until  he  got  into  fome 
quarrel  with  the  French. navy.  x\n  American  fqua- 
dron  is  highly  needful,  but  till  the  fyllem  of  finance 
has  been  improved,  the  plan  of  building  one  cannot 
be  fuGcefsful.  At  the  fame  time,  till  public  money 
fnall  be  under  more  frugal  m.anagement,  it  could 
hardly  be  advifeable. 

The  following  is  a  fliort  hiflory  of  the  progrefs 
and  expence  of  the  federal  navy.  On  March  27th, 
1794,  ^"  ^^  P^^  f<^r  building  four  frigates  of  for- 
ty-four guns,  and  two  of  thirty-fix.  A  fecond  a6l 
of  June  9th,  1794,  appropriated  fix  hundred  and 
eighty-eight  thouiand,  eight  hundred  and  eighty 
eight  dollars,  and  eighty  two  cents  '^  to  defray  the 
''  expences  which  fliall  be  incurred,  purfuant  to" 
that  acSt.  This  expreffion  is  not  correft.  The 
former  law  had  likewife  appointed  the  number  of 
the  crews,  their  wages  and  rations  ;  but  the  ap- 
propriation of  money,  of  June  9th,  did  not  extend 
to  thefe  articles.  It  regarded  only  the  charge  of 
building  the  fix  frigates*.  The  eflimates  of  this 
expence   bore  an  appearance  of  great   exaftnefs, 

*  In  the  Aurora,  of  January  i8th,  1798,  a  writer  fays  that  this 
fum  comprehended  y/.v  months  pro^ijions,  1  find  nothing  in  the  fta- 
tvite  book  to  fu|)port  fuch  an  affertion. 


HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  213 

when  they  extended  to  eighty-two  odd  cents.  But 
notice  the  fequel.  Early  in  June,  1794,  ^"  ^^^ 
paft  for  the  equipinent  of  galHes,  and  that  of  June 
9th,  the  lad  day  of  the  felhon,  appropriated  eigh- 
ty thoufand  dollars  for  this  ufe.-  'I'he  law  for 
the  gallies  was  iince  repealed,  and,  on  April  20th, 
1796,  congreis  added  the  fum  appointed  for  them 
to  the  fund  for  the  frigates.  At  the  fame  time, 
the  latter  were  reduced  from  fix  to  three,  viz.  to 
two  of  forty-four  guns   and  one  of  thirty-llx. 

Notwithllandingthis  redudion^  an  at^  of  March 
gd,  1797,  granted  an  hundred  and  feventy*two 
thoufand  additional  dollars  "^  for  finifhing  the  fri- 
'^  gates  United  States^  Conjlitiition^  and  Conftella- 
'"•  tion  ;"  befides  five  thoufand  for  the  pay  and  fub- 
fiftence  of  three  captains^  and  of  labourers  employ- 
ed in  taking  care  of  the  three  frigates.  An  a6l  of 
July  loth,  1797,  adlgned  two  hundred  thoufand 
dollars  more  for  completing  of  thefe  frigates. 

The  whole  funis  appropriated  flood  thus. 

Dollars*     Cts. 

For   the  fix  frigates         -  -         688,888  8^ 

Additional  to  finifli  1 

three  of  thefe  vei-  \      80,000 

fds,  -  -        J 


172,000 


452,000 


Total,  1,140,888  82 

By  the  flrft  eflimate,  fix  frigates  were  to  be  com- 
pleted for  {\i^  hundred  and  eighty-eight  thoufand 
dollars  ;  and,  yet  with  four  hundred  and  fifty-two 
thoufand  as  a  fupplement,  three  were  not  finiflied. 
In  the  prefent  fellion,  of  November  1797,  an  hun- 
dred and  fifty  thoufand  dollars  were  again  ailicd. 


ir4  SKETCHES    OF    THE 

Sarprifed  by  this  new  demand,  Mr.  Livingfloft 
brought  into  the  houfe  of  reprefentatives  a  relb- 
lution  for  appointing  a  committee  of  enquiry  into 
the  expenditure  of  money,  which  had  been  appro- 
priated for  the  naval  fervice. 

The  refolution  was  taken  upon  the  15th  of  Ja- 
nuary, 1798.  Mr.  Harper  objected  to  it,  as  im- 
plying a  cenfare  en  public  oiFicers,  which  was 
improper  ;  fmce  there  had  not  been  fpecified  any 
ground  of  fufpicion  againfl  them.  He  faid  that 
itatements  from  the  public  offices  were,  within  a 
few  days,  to  be  laid  before  the  houie,  agreeably 
to  a  previous  order,  and  recommended  that  no  com- 
mittee fhould  be  appointed,  till  tbefe  papers  had 
been  examined .  If  they  did  not  prove  fatisfav^ory, 
he  Ihould  vote  for  enquiry. 

Mr.  Livingflon  replied  that  the  patience  of  the 
houfe  had  been  worn  out  by  thefe  repeated  appli- 
cations for  money.  The  expence  had  exceeded 
all  belief.  The  mofi:  extenfive  imagination  could 
not  have  conceived  an  amount  like  that  which  con- 
grefs  had,  from  time  to  time,  been  blindly  led  to 
appropriate.  The  flatements  expecHred,  and  re- 
ferred to  by  Mr.  Harper,  came  down  only  to  Ja- 
nuary ill:,  1797.  They  could  not,  therefore,  even 
if  the  houfe  had  them,  give  adequate  fatisfaclion. 
The  three  hundred  and  feventy-two  thoufand  dollars 
granted  fmce  January  ift,  1797,  and  the  demand 
now  made,  did  not  come  within  the  period  of 
thefe  papers.  This  was  the  main  fcopc  of  Mr. 
Livingfton's  obfervations.  The  refolution  paft, 
and  a  committee  were  appointed. 

Next  day,  January  1 6th,  1798,  fome  documents 
from  the  war-office  were  laid  before  the  houfe. 
Inilead  of  an  hundred  and  fifty  thoufand  dollars, 
the  fum  formerly  applied  for,  only  an  hundred 
gnd  fifteen  thoufandj  eight  hundred  and  thirty-tlirec 


HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  4r^ 

dollars,  are  reported  as  neceiTary.  The  total  charge 
will  then  fland  thus. 

Dollars.    Ccnfs, 
Former  grants,  -         *         -        1,140,888     82 

Wanted  now,       -         -         -  1 15,835 


00 


Total  expence,     1,256,721     82 
Original  eflimate  for  fix  ditto,  6B8,888     82 


Overplus,  upon  the  original  erdmate,     567,833     00 


By  the  computation  of  March,  1794,  each  of  the 
fix  frigates  vv^as  to  coft  a  fraclion  leis  than  one  hun- 
dred and  fifteen  thoufand  dollars.  By  the  a<!l:ual 
iflue,  in  January,  1798,  each  of  thefe  three  fliips 
that  were  to  be  completed,  will  coft,  as  above 
fj3ecified,  an  overplus  of  an  hundred  and  eighty- 
nine  thoufand  dollars.  This  makes,  upon  a  medium 
for  each  frigate,  three  hundred  and  four  thoufand 
dollars,  inflead  of  the  original  eflimate  of  an  hun- 
dred and  fifteen  thoufand. 

Tliree  fiiips  are  not  to  be  finiOied.  The  materials 
mud  either  be  fold  or  laid  up.  It  is  natural  to  be- 
lieve that  a  confiderable  part  of  them  would  heap- 
plied  to  the  completion  of  the  other  three  veffels. 
liencc  the  real  cofl  of  the  latter  will  exceed  three 
hundred  and  four  thoufand  dollars  each,  as  trench- 
ing on  more  than  their  proportion  of  the  materials, 
bought  with  the  original  {va  hundred  and  eighty- 
eight  thoufand  dollars.  In  a  word,  it  may  fafely  be 
affirmed,  that  the  United  States^  and  her  two  fiflers, 
have  required  thrice  as  much  money  as  they  v^ere 
exped:ed  to  cod  ;  and  double  the  fum  for  which  an 
architetft  on  the  river  Thames  would  have  built 
them.  Almoft  four  years  have  been  occupied,  and 
this  American  armada  is  not  yet  completed. 

In  I794>  when  the  plan  was  firll  adopted.  Dr. 


2i6  SKETCHES    OF    THE 

Saiith,  and  his  friends,  affirmed,  that  the  frigates 
might  be  built,  manned,  and  blgckading  the  ftreights 
of  Gibraltar,  within  a  year.  At  the  end  ot^  two  years, 
the  prefidcnt  informed  congrefs,  that  fome  of  their 
keels  were  laid,  and  fome  of  their  llern-pofts  raifcd, 
all  in  the  hejl  manner.  So  fldlful  were  the  calcula- 
tions of  Dr.  Smith,  and  fo  rapid  the  progrefs  of  our 
admiralty  I  The  above  documents,  of  January  i6th, 
ellimate  the  pay  and  fubfiflence  of  the  officers  and 
crews  for  a  year,  at  two  hundred  and  eighty  thou- 
fand,  three  hundred  andfeventy-nine  dollars.  Thus, 
the  total  fum  wanted  immediately,  amounts  to  three 
hundred  and  ninety-fix  thoufand,  two  hundred  and 
twelve  dollars. 

This  money  can  only  be  raifed  by  loan  ;  and,  in 
the  fulinefs  of  time,  the  intereft  of  that  loan 
2Tiufl  alfo  be  borrowed.  On  July  6th,  1797,  an  acfc 
pail  for  a  ftamp  duty  on  vellum,  parchment,  and 
paper.  But  fuch  an  uproar  has  been  excited  againil 
it,  that,  in  the  prsfent  feffion,  the  operation  of  the 
law  has  been  fufpended  until  the  firft  of  July  next.  ^ 
On  July  8th,  when  a  number  of  reprefentatives  had 
gone  to  the  country,  an  ac^  pad  for  an  additional 
duty  on  fait.  It  originated  in  the  diligence  of  Dr. 
Smith.  A  refolution  is,  at  prefent,  before  congrefs 
for  the  repeal  both  of  thefe  fait  ^  and  ftamp  duties. 
They  were  the  only  taxes  laid  in  the  firft  feffion  of 
the  fifth  congrefs,  and  they  are  mofl  likely  to  be 
repealed!-.  In  the  preceeding  feffion,  although  the 
want  of  money  was  ftrongly  urged,  no  more  than 
two  flatutes  of  taxation  were  pafl.  The  one  laid  an 
additional  duty  on  certain  imported  articles.  The 

*  In  the  feHion  of  December,  1796,  Mr.  Findley  told  the  repre- 
fentatives that,  before  leaving  the  weriern  country,  he  had  paid  fix 
guineas  for  fix  bufncls  of  fait.  In  that  part  of  Pennfylvania,  it  is  faid 
to  have  fometimes  coft  eight  dollnrs  per  buHiel. 

+  The  excife  onTefined  fu^ar  ought  to  (bare  the  fame  fate. 


HISTORY    OF    AMl^RICA.  217 

other  altered  the  mode  of  cxciling  ftilis.  If  they 
produce  any  augmentation  whatever,  of  the  reve* 
nue,  it  can  be  but  trifling.  In  the  interim,  the  def- 
trudlion  of  trade  enfures  an  immenfe  mutilation  of 
impofi:  duties,  for  1797.  We  fhall  foon  fee  the  par- 
ticulars in  a  report  from  the  treafury. 

The  expences  of  government  are  in  a  flate  of 
conftant  augmentation.  The  abortive  efforts  of  the 
two  laft  feflions  prove,  that  its  pradical  fources  of 
new  revenue  are  almofl  exhaufted.  When  expence 
uniformly  exceeds  income,  the  refult  is  known.  In 
the  event  of  a  French  war,  the  ruin  of  commerce 
would  enfure  an  annual  deficit^  at  the  treafury,  of 
feveral  millions  of  dollars.  The  intereft  of  the 
national  debt  could  no  longer  be  paid;  and  bank- 
ruptcy mud,  of  com^fe,  enfue.  Yet,  in  fumm.er 
laft,  penfioner  Harper  told  congrefs  that,  '*•  if 
"  we  threv/  our  fword  into  the  Britifli  fcale,  the 
"  French  would  kick  the  beam  /"  America  can  be 
but  a  cracker  at  the  tail  of  England's  explofion.  Mr. 
Allen,  inthefamefeflion,  declared,  that,  'Mf  France; 
*'  obtained  Louifiana  from  Spain,  we  ought  to  de^ 
''  dare  war  againft  the  republic.''  He  did  not  in- 
form the  houfe  on  what  right  he  refled  their  claim 
to  dired:  Spain  in  the  difpoial  of  her  colonies.  On 
the  fame  ground,  if  congrefs  were  to  aflign  Rhode- 
Illand,  or  Nantucket,  to  the  Dutch,  England,  or 
Sweden,  would  be  warranted  in  commencing  hof* 
tilities  againft  this  country.  W^e  need  not  ftartle  at 
jacobin  rapacity,  or  the  partition  of  Poland,  or  the 
Britifh  in  the  Old  Jerfey,  or  the  Dutch  at  Amboyna, 
or  Titus  at  Jerufalem,  when  one  of  our  own  ine{^ 
timable  reprefentatives  recommends  a  projeift  the 
hermaphrodite  offspring  of  Newgate  and  of  bedlam. 
It  is  time  to  fpeak  diftimTtly,  when  a  few  lunatics 
or  traitors  have  brought  this  continent  to  the  brink 
of  a  French  war,  that  is,  to  the  brink  of  perdition, 

E  c 


iit  SKETCHES    O:?    THE 

In  three  months  after  it  iliall  begin,  the  value  of 
ground  property,  in,  Philadelphia,  will  fink  to  iifty 
per  cent,  of  its  prefent  value. 

Another  fure  confequence  mufl:  be  the  breaking 
up  of  the  union.  Kentucky  and  TennefTee  have  been 
long  and  juilly  exafperated  at  the  Hamiltonian  fyf- 
tem  of  defending  the  frontiers.  The  approaching 
clofe  of  this  volume  does  not  leave  room  for  infert- 
ingan  invejfliigationof  that  amazing  bufinefs^.  Many 
tyrants  have  wantonly  murdered  their  fubje6ts  ;  hut 
the  Waihington  cabinet  exhibits  the  firft  example 
in  hiftory,  of  a  government,  that  will  neither  |ie- 
fend  its  people,  nor  fuffer  them  to  defend  themfelves. 
On  the  Atlantic  fide  of  the  continent,  this  fubjc<rc  is 
as  grofsly  mifapprehended,  as  the  weflern  expedi- 
tion hitherto  has  been.  Kentucky  and  TennefFee  are 
in  a  rapid  progrefs  of  populationt.  They  know  the 
real  caufe  which  retards  the  execution  of  the 
Spanifh  treaty,  and  the  letting  open  of  the  weflern 
waters.  France  is  enraged  at  the  compad:  Vvith  Eng- 
land. She  fways,  with  irrefiflable  weight,  in  the 
court  of  Madrid  ;  and  the  treaty  with  Spain  will 
never  be  fulfilled,  till  that  with  England  has  been 
modified  or  diiFolved.  The  fouth-weftern  citizens 
regard  a  free  navigation  as  the  chief  object  of  their 
wifhes.  The  republic,  by  the  medium  of  Spain,  has 
only  to  hold  out  this  temptation,  as  the  fignal  of  re- 
volt. The  Philadelphians  would  not  confent  to  fliut 
up  the  Delaware,  for  the  fake  of  protrading  their 

*  A  pap^r  on  this  head  is. ready  for  the  prefs,  and  will  appear  at 
an  early  opportunity. 

+  In  i7q6,  twenty-two  thoufand  white  people,  and  eleven  thou- 
fand  blacks,  emip^ratcd  into  the  wcftern  part  of  'rcnnelTec.  They 
had  to  crofs  Cumberland  river  by  two  ferries,  at  which  an  ac- 
count was  kept  of  their  numbers.  I  had  this  from  Mr.  Andrew 
Jackfon,  one  of  the  fcnators  from  diat  ilate,  in  the  prefent  congrefs. 
He  computes  the  total  amouwt  of  emigrants;  in  1796,  at  between 
forty  and  fifcy  thoufand. 


HISTORY   OK    AMERICA.  „<, 

nnron  with  Keiitucky.    They  cannot  require  that 
ieli-denial  which  they  would  not  exert. 

By  the  calculation,  above  inferted,  of  three 
times  the  original  cftimate  of  the  three  frio-ates 
the  final  outfit  of  each  of  them  comes  to  three 
hundred  and  forty-five  thoufand  dollars,  or  in  whole 
to  one  million  and  thirty-five  thoufand  dollars.  They 
carry  ai,  hundred  and  twenty-four  guns,  which 
thus  coft  within  a  minute  fraction,  eight  thoufand 
.hree  hundred  and  forty-fix  dollars,  and  three 
fourths   per  gun.   -In  fterling  nioney  this  amounts 

ItZT-u'"'   ''""f'"'   ^""^    leventy-eight    pounds, 
eight  ihiJlings  and  four-pence  halfpcnnv.     In  Eng- 
land, the  common  computation  for  every  .mn,  is 
a  thoufand  pounds,  including  ftores  for  fix  m°onths. 
1  neie  do  not  come   within   the  above  American 
euxmate;  fo  that   England  can  fend  a  fliip  to  fea, 
at    half  our  charge.      Yet,   from    the  decline  of 
teip-Duilding,    in    confequencc   of    jay's    treaty 
wages  are,  at  this  time,  comparatively  low.    The 
current    wages    of  American   feamen    are   tliirtv 

n°P '"',?<^'  r"""""'  '  ^  '■"^^  ""'^^^'■'^  «f  ^"  the  French 
orEnghfli  fervice.  With  fuch  an  odds  of  eicpence 
againll  the  United  States,  it  is  needlefs  to  drink 
or  a  navy. 

Indians  have  been  fpoke  of  in  this  chapter.  On 
January  1 8th,    1798,  an  eflimate  was  laid    before 

Imountw^'f  "'"  Cherokees.     The  whole  Lr 

and  ei  Jl  t     ,    7'"'^'^'"  ''^°"^^"^'  «^ight  hundred 

dolla^-ff  ^    °".'''-      ^^^^'^  '"^^''-^^  fifteen  thoul>..r^ 

five     h  JT  'TT?,    '"  ''""  '^"'^^^^  I"^li^"s  ;  »-i 
five   thoufand   dollars    for  prefers.     It  ipu  h    ^e 

InveTeve  '1''^^^''^-'^""='  ''  ^^'^  -  "-  Creei;: 
hem    'Their'""  'r  f'"?'^  ^S'""-^"'  -ade  with 

uferrn  /  ''  '°  '^^  ^'■^'"^^'  there  can  be  no 

ufeforthepreftnceof  two  thoufand  fay  ages.  Two 


220  SKETCHES    OF    THE 

hundred  are  fufficient ;  and  this  would  fave  thir- 
teen thoufand  five  hundred  dollars.  Thefvims  an- 
nually wafted  on  thefe  people  are  very  confidera- 
ble.  It  is  time  to  try  another  way  of  treating. 
OxTer  an  hundred  dollars  per  fcalp  for  the  firft 
three  hundred  Cherokee  warriors,  who  (hall  be  cut, 
or  (hot  down.  The  fouth-weflrrn  riflemen  will  foon 
earn  the  money.  This  may  be  called  inhumani- 
ty. But  if  one  of  thefe  Indians  had  ftabbed  your 
father,  and  ftuck  the  hearts  of  your  children,  on 
the  point  of  his  fcalping  knife,  perhaps  you  might 
endure  the  propofal.  Government  is  afraid  of  a 
frontier  militia.  Were  the  rampart  of  favages 
removed,  thoufands  of  families  would  inflantly 
wander  beyond  the  reach  of  cuftoms  and  excife. 
The  prefident  and  fenate,  fupported  by  a  party 
of  reprefentatives,  chufe  rather  to  give  the  Indi- 
ans every  polTible  meafure  of  countenance  and 
prote(flion,  to  expend  very  large  fums  of  money 
in  the  purchafe  of  treaties  that  are  fure  to  b& 
broken,  and  to  connive  at  fome  hundreds  of  annu- 
al  murders. 

Oar  prefent;  political  afpecl  does  not  promife 
much.  It  combines  the  helplefsnefs  of  infancy  Vv^ith 
the  decrepitude  of  age  ;  the  feeblenefs  of  a  young 
government  without  its  alledged  purity,  and  the 
corruption  of  an  old  one,  without  its  readinefs  of 
refources.  The  world  never  faw  a  more  com- 
plicated fcene  of  w^eaknefs,  ignorance,  and  folly, 
than  that  now  difplayed  in  the  United  States.  The 
j^refident,  on  May  i6th,  1797,  delivers  a  fpeech 
againfl  France,  that  is  only'juft  lefs  than  a  declara- 
tion of  war.  In  the  fame  moment,  he  pretends 
to  defire  a  peace  with  the  French.  For  this  pur- 
pofe  he  fends  back  to  Paris  Pinckney,  the  very 
iuan  wlio  had  juft  quarrelled  with  the  dire<n:ory, 
iiiid  whoj  by  his  obftinacy  and  impertinence,  had 


HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  iit 

forced  them  to  thruft  him  out  of  their  territories. 
To  cut  up  all  chance  of  future  confidence  between 
the  two  governments,  Mr.  Adams  iafFers,  or  invites 
congrefs  to  print  Pinckney's  confidential  correfpon- 
dence.  The  reprefentatives  defire  a  lift  of  French 
and  Britifli  depredations.  MefTrs.  Adams  and  Pick- 
ering fupprefs  the  Britilh  lift,  and  fend  down  the 
French  one,  with  an  apology  confiding  of  a  noto- 
rious falfehood^'.  The  reprefentatives  pocket 
this  violation  of  their  orders  ;  an  infidt  that  would 
not  have  been  endured  with  filence  in  the  tamefl 
houfe  of  commons  which  England  ever  faw. 


H  A  P  T  E  R    X. 


Extrads  from  the  Prefidential  Gazetts» — Remarks 

on  the  firji  fpeech  of  Mr,  Adams   to  congrefs, — 

Correjpondence  of  Pinckney  and  Pickering, — Pro< 

ceedings    of  congrejs   in  May^    ^191^ — Co?npari^ 

fen  between  the  treatment  of  Adet  and  Pinckney. — 

s.  Candid  conduCl  of  Mr,    Bache, — Speech  of  Mr, 

Nicholas,— Of  Dr.  Smith.— Of  Mr.  Otis,— Ob- 

fervatiojis  on  the  conduCl  of  our  executive. 


1  HE  Gazette  of  the  United  States  is 
the  profefTed  organ  of  the  political  fentiments  of 
IVIr.  Adams  and  his  friends.  Hence  its  princi-^ 
pies  become  important,  lefs  by  their  intrinfic  value 
than  on  account  of  the  fource  from  v/hence  they 
fpring. 

In  Mr.  Fenno's  paper,   of  January  loth,   1798, 
a  writer  fpeaks  of  "  nine  hundred  and  fifty  millions 

*  HiRory  of  1796,  Chap.  VU. 


222  SKETCHES    OF    THE 

^'  of  men  corrupt,  anarchical,  hateful  and  hatinw 
*Vone  another,  turned  loofcr  from  religious  and  civil 
^*  redraint,  and  blended  in  one  firry  democ?-acy^ ,  If 
**  malice  could  vent  itfelf  in  prayer,  the  a<n:ual 
*'  ftate  of  our  enemies^  the  French,  exceeds  its  lafi 
'  ^  J'ipi^€'''ii^  ejaculation . '' 

If  the  French  have  become  our  enem.ies,  this 
arifes  from  the  mean,  pedlar-like  fpirit  of  ©nr  po- 
licy. Their  acinal  ftate  is  certainly  different  from 
ours.  France  is  the  terror,  and  the  United  States 
are  the  contempt  of  Europe.  Their  friendfhip  is 
imiveiTally  courted,  and  ours  univerfally  defpifed. 
In  confidence  that  the  republic  would  be  overtur- 
ned, America  hafted  to  defert  her  benefac^refs. 
By  an  eventual  and  oifenfive  treaty,  flie  guaranteed 
the  French  dominions,  at  a  period  when,  but  for 
the  /ake  of  form,  her  guarantee  was  not  worth 
acceptance.  In  1794,  ^^  could  not  fulfil  the  fli- 
pulations  of  1778  ;  but,  to  prove  that  her  ingrati^ 
tude  was  equal  to  her  weaknefs,  (lie  inverted  them. 
Jay's  treaty  comprifes  a  multitude  of  conditions  in- 
jurious to  the  republic.  The  plan  of  this  agreement 
was  made  by  Mr.  Wadungton,  in  April,  1794.  ^^ 

*  The  Britifli  party  avow  their  diflike  to  tltis  term.  It  fig- 
nifies  a  government  by  the  people.  The  conftitution  begins  in 
thefe  words :  "  We  the  people  of  the  United  States,  do  ordain," 
&c.  To  that  the  defign  was  evidently  democratical.  If  the  Adam- 
ites difapprove  this  preamble,  they  might  fugged  an  amend- 
ment. *<  We,  the  well-born  holders  of  bank,  and  fix  per  ctnt. 
*'  flock,  do  ©rdain."  A  paper  at  Walpole,  in  New- Ha  modi  ire,  late- 
ly referred  to  the  leprojy  f?/"  republicanism.  A  federaliii,  as 
he  figns  hiiTifelf,  fpeaks,  in  the  fame  print,  of  a  late  fire  at  Bof- 
ton.  *' The /^w^-  fftrity"  fays  he,  "  which  lighted  a  flame  in 
** fe^eniy~fix'€y  would  forvey  with  indifference  a  blazing  ftreet  in 
**  vinfty-Jt^^etii  rather  than  forget  the  {\ii\y  fpirit  of  oppofiiion.'"  ff 
this  raiu  has  any  meaning,  it  implies  a  csnfure  on  the  revo- 
lution. Probably  the  printer,  at  Walpole,  is  likewife  poft-maftcr. 
This  is. a'  frefjuenc  executive  arrangement,  and  fecures  aprefs  \^  * 
the  party. 


HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  li^ 

that  time  France,  like  C^far  at  Miinda,  contended 
not  for  empire,  but  exigence.  Admit  that  this 
compacfl,  if  it  had  been  faithftdly  fuKilled,  was 
beneficial  to  the  mercantile  intered;  of  x\merica. 
Still,  a  generous  man  would  have  defpifed  profits 
that  were  to  be  gained  by  facrificing  the  intereO: 
of  his  deprelTed  friend.  An  honejl  man  mufl 
have  regarded  every  conceffion  againft  France,  as 
a  real  violation  of  the  treaty  of  Paris*.  A  ivife 
man  might,  in  July,  1795,  ^^^^  time  of  ratification, 
have  forefeen  that  the  republic  would  be  ultimate- 
ly victorious. 

As  for  the  aClurd  Jlate^  look  at  ours  ;  a  waflcd 
commerce;  an  empty  excliequer ;  a  government 
without  confidence,  and  a  people  without  union ;  a 
bench,  where  land-jobbing  does  not  difplacc  a  judge  ; 
a  legiflature,  where  perjury  does  not  unfeat  a 
fenator;  a  prefs,  from  whence  an  adulterer  expa- 
tiates on  his  proud  confcionfnefs  of  innocence;  a 
cabinet,  countenancing  publications,  which  a  knot 
of  London  porters  would  be  aftiamed  to  read.  In 
this  city  of  brotherly  love^  ufury  fits  on  her  native 
thronet ;  opinions  are  decided  by  the  bludgeon;  and 

*  **  As  foon,"  fays  Fauchet,  "  as  the  conftitntional  government 
"  was  fettled,  and  that  the  diredory  was  in  a  fuuation  to  follow 
*<  any  fyftem  as  to  external  aiTiiirs,  it  could  not  be  long  wit  [lout 
**  perceiving  how  we  had  been  the  dupes  of  America.  1  he  treaty 
**  of  London  had  completely  opened  all  eyes.  The  material 
•*  change  which  was  openly  effefted  in  the  neutrality  of  theUni- 
*'  ted  States,  by  virtue  of  that  treaty,  has  put  the  feal  of  dupiicicy 
**  and  of  faifehood  on  the  afiuranccs /2)  often  repeated ,  that  the  treaty 
*«  (hould  make  ro  change  in  the  Hate  of  things  prior  to  that 
*'  treaty."     A  Sketch,  &c.  p.  26. 

He  adds  in  a  note  tliat,  *«  the  French  rainifter  v/as  notified, 
**  after  the  exchange  of  raUacations,  that  we  fiiould  no  longer  en- 
**joy  the  advantage,  which  till  then  had  been  granted  us,  to 
"  fell  in  the  American  ports  our  Engtifti  prizes. 

+  ''  I  have  been  referred  to  individuals  in  Mulh'^rry-itrt>;t,  Cred 
"  nut-ftreet,  Second-Ilreet,  Third-ftreet,  Wrucr-llrccr,  and  other 
<*  flreets,  as  known  ufurcrs,  or  agents  a^Sting  '^*^'  companies  of  ufurcis! 


234  SKETCHES    OF    THE 

a  ruffian  may  come  behind  his  ncighbonr*s  back, 
knock  him  down,   leave  him  for  dead  on  the  fpot, 
laugh,  like  a  recent  felon,  in  the  faces  of  the  jury^ 
and  march  triumphant  from  the  bar,  for  a  fine  of 
fifty  dollars  1 

We  return  to  Mr.  Fenno's  correfpondent.  *'  Hu* 
*'  man  happinefs,"  fays  he,  ''  will  not  be  encreafed, 
*'  till  all  the  prefent  atlors  of  the  farce  of  innova- 
*'  ticn^  are  rotLed  and  forgotten.  To  ameliorate  the 
*'  fc'ate  of  fociety,  by  deftroying  tyranny  ^.w^Juper- 
^^  Jiition^  is  a  benevolent  wiih.  I  have  liftened  to, 
''  ;MKi  repeated,  thofe  fairy  tales  myfelf.  It  is  a 
^'  drea?/}.  !''  Thefe  are  the  manly  fentiments  propa- 
gated by  our  executive.  They  imply  an  exprefs 
ceniure  of  the  American  revolution,  which  attempt- 
ed to  overturn  tyranny,  but  only  half  completed  its 
defign.  '1  he  party  who  at  prefent  hold  the  govern- 
ment, found  means  to  faddle  America  with  a  debt 
which  daily  grows  larger  ;  and  they  have  now  taken 
the  ground  and  the  doiflrines  of  George  the  third. 

Air.  Fenno  pronounces,  that,  to  attempt  the 
improvement  of  fociety,  by  deflroying  tyranny 
and  fLiperftition,  is  a  fairy  tale  and  a  dream. 
The  mind  cannot  conceive,  nor  can  language  ex- 
prefs, a  more  hateful  maxim.  Candour  will  place  no 
confidence  in  a  party  capable  of  inculcating  fuch 
opinions.  As  for  the  attack  on  France,  it  chimes  in 
uniibn  with  the  two  fpeeches  of  prefident  Adams. 

<<  And  I  have  been  confidentially  aflured,  that  thofe  very  indivi- 
*'  dunls  (with  fliamebe  it  mentioned  !)  can,  and  do  obtain,  difcounta 
*f  re.giilarly  at  t'wo  of  the  banks."  Vid.  A  Lttter  to  certain  bank  dircdon 
from'a  merchant^  dated  December,  1 796,  p.  S.  This  letter  was  really- 
written  by  a  merchant,  a  native  of  this  city,  and  very  refpedably 
conneded.  Bl-^ckilone,  Book  IV.  Chap.  XII.  Scdi.  IV.  ftates  intereil 
to  be  reduced,  by  an  ad  in  the  twelfth  of  queen  Anne,  to  five  per 
cent,  and  adds,  "  wherefore,  not  only  all  contrads  for  taking  more  arc 
*<  in  themfclvcs  totally  void,  but  alfo  the  lender  (hall  forfeit  treble 
*<  the  money  boirowed," 


HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  225 

A  few  extracts  from  the  firft  of  thefe  prodinniions 
will  prove  this  to  be  true.  In  that  of  May  i6th, 
1797,  he  fpeaks  thus  : 

''The  refafal,  on  the  part  of  France,  to  receive 
^'  our  minifler,  is,  then,  the  denial  of  a  right ;  but 
''  the  refufal  to  receive  him  until  we  hav^  acceded 
"  to  their  demands,  without  difcufiion,  is  to  treat 
''  us  neither  as  allies  nor  as  friends,  nor  as  a  fove- 
''  reign  people.'' — As  for  the  matter  o^ right ^  Vat- 
tel  contradicts  Mr.  Adams'-^.  General  Wafhington 
refufed  to  open  a  letter  from  lord  Howe ;  and  the 
old  congrefs  would  not  treat  with  Carlifle,  and  the 
reft  of  North's  commifTioners.  Citizen  Adet  had 
attempted  to  negociate  at  Philadelphia.  He  was 
treated  with  negled:,  and  Mr.  Adams  and  his  friends 
encouraged  a  Britifh  agent  to  lampoon  him.  As  for 
allies  or  friends^  the  United  States  had  no  claim 
to  either  title.  Jay's  treaty  put  an  end  to  it. 

x\gain. — "  There  is  reafon  to  believe,  that  the 
''  executive  dire6^ory  paft  a  decree,  on  the  2d  of 
"  March  laft,  contravening,  in  part,  the  treaty  of 
''  amity  and  commerce  of  1778,  injurious  to  onr 
''  lawful  commerce,  and  endangering  the  lives  of 
''  our  citizens."  They  afted  only  in  felf-defence. 
This  decree  is  fully  explained  in  the  next  chapter. 
The  Britifh  were  then,  and  arc  flill  feizing  Ameri- 
can (hips,  and  preffing  their  feamen ;  but  Mr.  Adams 
pafTes  over  that. 

"  Endeavours  have  been  employed  to  eflabli/h 
"^  and  foiler  a  divifion  between  the  government  and 
''  people  of  the  United  States.  To  inveftigate  the 
''  caufes  which  have  encouraged  this  attempt  is  not 
'^  necefTary." — The  moll  likely  caiife  is  Englifli 
gold.  Webfter  and  RufTel,  that  ideot  of  editors, 
who  has  defended  Hamilton's  Defence^  would  not 

*  See  the  fpecch  of  Mr.  Freeman,  in  the  Tequel  of  this  chapter. 

Ff 


iiS  SKETCHES    Oii'    THE 

write  fo  much  noriienfe  to  lerve  Pitt,  unlefs  he  paid 
them.  No  man  in  his  wits  will  believe  that  Camil^ 
ius  wrote  his  thirty-eight  letters  for  nothing.  Did 
he  ever  plead  thirty-eight  caiifes  without  a  fee  ? 

But  Mr*  Adams  refers  not  to  thefe  gentry,  for 
they  are  his  intimate  Iriencls.  He  alludes  to  the 
fpeech  of  Barras,  as  alarming;  though  this  trifle 
Could  make  no  more  imxpreflion  on  the  public  mind 
of  America,  than  a  pifiol-ball  on  the  baflions  of 
Luxembourg.  The  fuppofition,  that  it  was  to  have 
a  dangerous  effecH:  here,  betrays  grofs  affeftation, 
hypocrify,  and  impoflure.  The  people  of  this  coun- 
try care  very  little  about  two  or  three  fentences  of 
a  ipeech  delivered  in  Paris.  But,  if  Barras  was 
able  to  do  fo  much  mifchief,  theprefidcnt  ought  to 
have  fuppreffed  thefafcafm.  Mortui  iion  mordents 
It  could  do  no  harm,  if  vv^e  heard  nothing  about  it.  If 
a  previous  traDflation  had  efcaped  into  the  Aurora, 
a  fortnight  muil;  have  funk  it  in  forgetfulnefs.  But 
the  point  with  Mr*  Adams  was  to  make  a  buflle,  in 
order  to  make  a  quarrel.  This  is  the  plain  truth* 
Mr.  Adams  may  yet  hear  of  a  fpeech  from  BaTi  as, 
that  fhailmake  both  him  and  congrefs  tremble. 

"  It  muft  not  be  permitted  to  be  doubted,''  fays 
he,  "  whether  the  people  of  the  United  States  wdll 
*•'  fupport  the  government,  eflablifned  by  their  vo- 
"  luntary  confent,  and  appointed  by  their  free 
"  choice/^  True.  But  if  they  fee  that  government 
evidently  driving  them  into  a  ruinous  war,  without 
taking  any  one  rational  ftep  to  ihun  it,  they  wull  not 
be  tardy  in  making  their  importance  felt. 

Mr.  Adams  then  pledges  himfelf  to  fupport  the 
.Britifli  treaty.  ''  Convinced  that  the  condu(!l:  of  the 
*'  government  has  been  jufl  and  impartial  to  foreign 
*'  nations, — nothing  will  ever  be  done  by  me  to  im* 
''  pair  the  national  engagements  ;  to  innovate  upon 
'*  principles,  which  have  been  fo  deliberately  and 


HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  227 

* '  uprightly  eftablKhed ;  or  to  furrender,  in  any  man- 
"  ner,  the  rights  of  the  government.''  As  the  com- 
padl  was  made  for  fear  of  an  Englifli  war,  it  may 
iuitably  be  repealed  for  fear  of  a  French  one.  The 
purport  of  this  bouncing  pafTagc  is  to  affiire  the 
French,  that  they  have  no  chance  for  concelhons 
from  the  United  States,  if  Mr.  Adams  can  difap- 
point  them. 

In  one  of  his  letters,  publiilied  by  congrefs, 
Charles  Pinckney,  when  fpeaking  of  his  difmiilioa 
by  the  directory,  puts  this  queftion.  "  You  will 
*^'  judge  whether  the  anjiuer  of  the  Senate  aiid  the 
''  houje  of  rep'efentatives  to  the prefidenfs  Jpeech"^^ 
'^  and  the  late  fuccefles  in  Italy,  have  not  concur- 
''  red  to  occafion  itt?  "  The  aniVers  were  only  an 
echo  to  the  fpeech  itfelf,  which  was  quite  as  in- 
flammatory as  them.  But  the  envoy,  in  a  letter  to 
the  fecretary,  could  not  with  politenefs,  include 
that  facred  performance^^  among  the  caufes  of  ir- 
ritation. This  notice  of  the  tendency  of  fach 
addreffes  and  Ipeeches,  on  the  minds  of  the  direc- 
tory, might  have  made  Mr,  Adams  cautious  in 
what  way  he   conveyed  his  fentiments  to  congreis, 

Mr.  Fenno's  gazette  of  January  i8th,  1798, 
has  this  paifage.  ''Like  the  Romans,  whom  they 
*'  (the  French)  imitate,  war  and  rapine  are  necei- 
''  fary  to  their  exiilence. — If  England  is  not  delh  oy~ 
"  ed  by  internal  faiflion,  flie  will  be  able  to  keep 
''  the  MONSTERS  in  their  den^  until  they  devour 
^'  each  other."  This  writer  has  forgot  the  unpro- 
voked conipiracy  of  Pilnitz,  by  which  the  crowned 
heads   were  to  revive  in  France  the    tragedy  of 

*  On  the  7th  of  December,  1796.  +  Documents  p.  62. 

X  The  infallibility  of  general  Wafhington  is  a  doctrine  ftarted 
lince  the  war.  At  one  period  of  the  revolution,  he  was  on  the 
point  of  being  fupercedcd,  as  commander  Jin  chief,  by  the  talents 
xnd  popularity  of  goveraor  Mifi^ia? 


228  SKETCHES    OF    THE 

Pciand.  He  has  forgot  that  the  duke  of  Bruns- 
wick menaced  Paris,  and  its  eight  hundred  thoufand 
inhabitants,  with  mihtary  execution. 

Mr.  Adams  afFed:s  to  defire  a  peace  with  France. 
The  perfon  who  believes  him  is  completely  divei- 
ted  of  common  fenfe.  Look  at  the  ftile  of  his 
own  newfpaper.  No  farther  evidence  can  be 
wanted.  Pitch  a  barrel  of  tar  into  a  bonfire, 
and  fay  that  you  intend  to  extinguifh  it.  Such  is 
the  pifture  of  fomebody.  This  old  man  cannot 
defcend  to  the  grave  in  peace,  till  he  has  entan- 
gled his  conftituents  in  a  war  that  muft  put  an  end 
to  the  government  of  the  country,  and  replunge 
her  into  the  horrors  of  1780.  Thefe  ^re  our 
thanks  for  twenty-five  thoufand  dollars  a  year,  for 
eminence,  adulation,  and  immeafarable  patronage. 
For  the  complete  model  of  depravity,  wh)^  fhould 
we  refer  to  another  world  ?  Can  a  fallen  angel  be 
as  bale  as  man  ? 

In  Mr.  Pickering's  letter  to  Pinckney,  p.  91,  he 
fpeaks  thus  of  citizen  Adet.  ^'  x\fter  an  exhibition 
*"*•  of  complaints  in  a  uflile  fo  exceptionable,  he 
*'  could  add  but  one  more  improper  ad^  tliat  of 
"  pubiifliing  his  notes  in  the  newfpaper s  :  he  had 
*'  fcarcely  tranfmitted  them  to  the  executive 
''  before  he  forwarded  thein  to  the  printer  for  pith- 
*'  llcationJ^  Mr.  Pickering  here  complains  of  Adet 
for  his  precipitate  appeal  to  the  prefs.  Granting, 
what  is  untrue,  that  the  envoy  atSted  wrong,  Pick- 
ering did  an  offence  againftthe  dirctftory  of  the  fame 
kind.  This  letter  to  Pinckney  at  Paris  bears  date 
the  1 6th  of  January,  1796.  A  copy  of  it  was,  on 
the  19th,  fent  by  the  prefident  to  congrefs,  by 
them  inflantly  to  the  prefs,  and  of  courfe  to  the 
newfpapers,  It  was  fit  that  congrefs  fliould  be 
acquainted  with  the  letter,  but  its  publication  was 
a  flill  greater  affront  upon   the  direvTtory  than  the 


HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  229 

printing  of  Adet's  notes  was  upon  Pickering. 
The  Frenchman  did  not  fend  his  pieces  to  the 
prefs  till  they  had  reached  their  place  of  deftina- 
.tion.  This  was  a  degree  of  politenefs  negle^Tted 
by  Mr.  Pickering. 

It  will  be  anfwered,  that  when  the  prefident 
fent  the  papers  to  congrcfs,  he  did  not  know  whe- 
ther the  reprefentatives  would  print  them,  and 
that  they  had  a  right  of  doing  fo.  When  a  fri- 
gate is  to  be  bniit,  or  a  iliip  to  be  freighted  with 
ammunition,  for  the  dey  of  Algiers,  a  prefident 
knows  in  what  way  to  communicate  with  the  le- 
gillature,  and  yet  to  prever\t  his  papers  from  being 
expofed  to  the  public  eye.  The  fedea^al  repre- 
fentatives fapport  a  due  undenlanding  with  the 
executive  ;  and  unlefs  they  had  known  that  the 
publication  would  be  acceptable  to  him,  the  con- 
tents of  Mr.  Pickering's  letter  would  have  been 
kept  fecret. 

Mr.  Pinckney  obferves,  that  the  French  ''  widi 
^^  to  deilroy  the  trade  of  Great  Britain,  and  they 
*"'  look  upon  us  as  one  of  her  bed  cuflomers,  and, 
''  to  obtain  their  objei^,  they  care  not  uohat  wefiif- 
"/L-r*."  This  may  be  very  true,  but  it  comes 
to  a  plain  declaration  that  the  French  are  interefted 
and  faithlefs,  while  the  publication  permitted  by 
the  prefident  implies  that  the  remark  enjoys  his 
approbation.  There  is  particular  reafon  to  believe 
that  Rufus  King  hath  tranfmitted  to  our  executive 
moil  unfavourable  accounts  of  England*  Bat  not 
a  word  of  them  tranfpires  from  the  cabinet.  The 
truth  of  Pinckney's  obfervation  would  not  juftify 
its  publication.  If  every  man  were  to  tell  exaiflly 
what  he  thinks  of  each  of  his  acquaintances,  foci- 
ety  would  be  transformed  into  a  laear-garden,  and 

j ' 

*  Documents,  p.  6^* 


230  SKETCHES    OF    THE 

the  field  of  diplomacy  into  a  field  of  battle*  On 
the  plain  fcore  of  difcretion  and  civility,  it  will 
be  diiiicult  to  defend  the  mcafures  of  MeHrs,  Adams 
and  Pickering  towards  the  French  nation.  Thele 
remarks  explain  the  degree  of  merit  in  om^  execu- 
tive. Let  us  now,  in  a  flight  flvetch,  examine  whe- 
ther congrcfs  itfelf  a<rted  better. 

The  two  houfes  met  on  May  i^lih,  1797-  The 
fpeech  was  made  on  the  i6th.  The  lenate  did. 
not  prefent  their  aniwer  till  the  24th.  Thus,  upon 
this  trifle,  they  fpent  eight  days,  and  twelve  or  fif^ 
teen  hundred  dollars  worth  of  their  time.  They 
might  have  made  a  proper  anfwer  in  fifteen  minutes. 
''  We  learn,''  fay  they,  '^  with  flncere  concern, 
*'  that  attempts  are  in  operation  to  alienate  the  af- 
'^  feclion  of  our  fellow  citizens  from  their  govern- 
''  ment.  Attempts  fo  wicked,  wherever  they  ex- 
**  ifl,  cannot  fail  to  excite  our  iitmoft  abhorrence.'' 
They  muft  furely  then  have  abhorred  their  own 
printer,  Mr.  John  Fenno,  for  calling  the  preceding 
houfe  of  reprefentatives  a  many-headed  moiijler. 
The  fpeech  of  Barras  was  made  at  a  diflance  ;  and, 
before  they  went  fo  far  in  queft  of  affronts  offered 
to  this  government,  the  fenate  fnouldhave  filenced 
this  organ  of  difcontent,  for  it  v/as  ten  thoufand 
times  louder  than  the  French  directory.  The 
anfwer  of  the  fenate  was  dull  and  toad-eating, 
but  much  lefs  faulty  than  the  one  reported  on  May 
22d,  from  the  feled  committee  ;  and  which,  with 
a  few  flight  alterations,  was  ultimately  preien- 
ted.  This  committee  confifled  of  five  members. 
The  majority,  Mr.  Kittera,  Mr.  Fi-utledge,  and 
Mr.  Grifwold,  were  truly  federal. 

Their  report  was  as  complaifant  to  the  fpeech  as 
Mr.  Adams  could  dehre  it  to  be. — ''  While  we. 
y-  view  with  fatisfac^ion  the  wifdom,  dignity,  and 
^'  moderation,  which  have  marked  the  ineafuresof 


H  1st  ok  Y    OF    AMERICA.  331 

*^  the  fuprcme  executive  of  our  country,  in  its  at- 
*'  tempts  to  remove,  by  candid  explanations,  the 
"  complaints  and  jealoufics  of  France,  we  feel  the 
^'  foil  force  of  that  indignity  which  has  been  offer- 
''  ed  our  country,  in  the  rejection  of  its  minijler.** 
The  law  of  nations,  as  laid  down  by  Dr.  Hutche- 
fon,  gave  the  French  a  right  of  fending  Finckney 
out  of  their  territories  ;  and  his  own  letters  fl-iCW, 
that,_^whiie  he  remained  in  Paris,  he  proved  an  in- 
flammatory and  dangerous  rehdent.  The  felesfl  com- 
mittee will  not  certainly  pretend,  that  the  dircc- 
toiy  were  obliged  to  read  and  anfwer  any  papers 
that  Mr.  Pinckney  might  widi  to  prefent.  They  were 
to  be  maflers  of  their  own  time.  They  had  already, 
by  citizen  Adet,  explained,  as  far  as  they  thought 
neceffary,  their  demands  upon  America.  If  Mr.  Kit- 
tera  becomes  tired  of  a  correlpondent,  he  will  think 
himfelf  at  liberty  to  return  his  letters  unopened. 

Thus  much  for  the  rejection  of  our  minifler ;  but 
put  thecafethathehad  been  adually  received.  Ahire- 
ling,  in  the  pay  of  an  Englifli  agent,  is  next  ordered 
to  write  pamphlets  againfl  him ;  and,  among  other  epi- 
thets, to  call  him  an  imprincipled  hiilly  ;  a  gajconading 
impudent  bluff;  and  a  dog"^.  Inflead  of  interfering, 
as  every  other  government  would  infallibly  do,  to 
check  fuch  behaviour,  a  Frencli  Oliver  Wolcott 
viHts  the  bookfeller,  thanks  him  for  the  perfor- 
mance, and  offers  to  make  him  editor  of  the  Redac- 
teur\.  In  the  interim,  that  executive  publication 
loads  the  United  States  with  every  abufive  appella- 
tion that  malice,  or  brutality,  can  fuggefl: ;  exe- 
crates their  revolution  ;  reproaches  them  as  athe- 
ifls  ;  and,  finally,  exprefTcs  an  ardent  hope  that  con- 

*  See  remarks  on  this  hofpitable  treatment,  in  the  Americati  An- 
nual Regiiler,  Chap.  VI. 

+  A  Paris  newfpaper,  under  the  influence  of  the  directory-.  See 
the  fad  alluded  to  in  Britilh  Honour  and  Humanity,  p.  SS* 


232  SKETCHES    OF    THE 

grefs  are  blown  up^  and  that  George  the  third  Ihall 
once  more  have  his  own  agaifi.  This  ufage  con- 
tinues, not  for  a  day,  or  a  month,  but  for  four  years 
at  a  rcretch. 

Mr,  Pinckney  would  be  worfeufed,  by  permifTitDn 
to  lefide  in  Paris,  under  fuch  circumftances,  than 
by  a  direcl  difiniiral.  A  manof  fph'it  would  prefer 
the  latter.  The  above  was  precifeiy  the  iituation  of 
A:let,  in  Philadelphia.  Hence,  our  complaint,  as  to 
t^ie  r-ejedion  of  Pinckney,  betrayed  the  utmofHiar- 
dijK^fs  or  flupidity.  The  report  next  promifes  to 
Goi'vince  the  world  "  that  we  are  not  a  degraded 
"  p.:ople.''  In  refpecl  to  foreign  envoys,  we  have 
d"  -raied  ourfelves.  After  the  infolence  and  rib- 
b>'  Irv  wantonly  poured  upon  Adet,  and  the  che- 
vp:  zr  de  Yrujo,  neither  the  king  of  Spain,  nor  the 
di  '.?\^ or y,  can  undervalue  any  reputable  man  of 
bufiuefs,  by  deilring  him  to  refide  in  this  country. 

^'  Knowing,  as  v/e  do/'  adds  the  report,  "  the 
*'  GO  in  den  ce  repofed  by  the  United  States  in  their 
*'  government,  we  cannot  hefitate  in  expreiTmg 
'^  oar  indignation,"  &c.  This  relates  to  Barras, 
a  topic  already  worn  to  tatters.  As  for  confidence^ 
it  is  now,  on  tlie  part  of  the  republicans,  at  an  end. 
On  the  acceilion  of  Mr.  Adams,  they  were  very 
well  dlfpofed  to  live  on  good  terms  with  him.  Mod 
of  thc^m  were  ignorant  of  his  correfpondence  v/ith 
fir  John  Scott.  Several  of  his  late  oppofers  declar- 
ed their  belief  of  his  being  an  honefl  man,  and  that 
h>"  h  M^  too  much  fpirit  to  be  led  by  any  party.  With 
g!f*:.^  candour  and  propriety,  Mr.  Bache  refufedto 
admit  remarks  unfavourable  to  Mr  x\dams.  "  Let 
''  us  oive  him  a  fair  trial,''  faid  this  editor,  to  one 
of  his  correfpondents,  ''  and  then,  if  he  adually 
"  does  wrong,  our  ceniures  will  fall  with  the  grea- 
"  ter  weight."  The  Aurora  was,  accordingly, 
ciammcd,  for  forae  time,  with  encomiums  on  Mr. 


HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  23^ 

Adams,  deduced  from  the  profellions  of  republi- 
canifm  that  he  made  in  fome  fpeeches.  For  condud: 
fofuU  of  juftice  and  of  good  nature,  Mr.  Bache  has 
been  fmce  upbraided  in  the  fix  per  cent,  newfpapers* 
From  the  i6th  of  May,  1797,  downwards,  Mr- 
Bache  firmly  believed,  that  Mr.  Adams  was  only 
the  leader  of  a  party.  His  amicable  ftile,  until  the 
v'ifclofure  of  that  day,  deferved  praife  in  place  of 
cenfure.  Mr.  Adams  then  convinced  all  impartial 
men,  that  he  had  entangled  himfelfinthe  Britifh 
intereft.  Hence  he  will  conftantly  meet  with  their 
cordial  oppolition.  This  the  fele6l  committee  well 
knew. 

They  proceed  to  fay,  that  '^  fully  ImprefTed  with 
*'  the  uncertainty  of  the  refult,  v^^e  fliall  prepare  to 
*'  meet,  with  fortitude,  any  unfavourable  events 
''  which  may  occur,  with  ail  the  fldli  we  pofTefs^ 
*'  and  all  the  efforts  in  our  power.'* 

On  this  report,  Mr.  Nicholas,  in  flrong  terms, 
recommended  a  conciliating  flile.  Upon  the  anfvver, 
about  to  be  given,  the  peace  of  the  United  States 
might,  in  a  great  meafnre,  depend.  He  propofed  an 
amendment,  which  was,  upon  the  w^hole,  proper. 
Yet  it  had  this  expreflion.  ''  The  rejecTting  of  our 
'^  minifter,  and  the  manner  of  difmiiiing  him  from 
''  the  territories  of  France,  have  excited  our  x^/^r;??^ 
^^  fenfihility  J^  This  complaint  might  have  been  fpar- 
ed.  Mr.  Nicholas,  inhisfpeech,  alfofaid,  that  '^  he 
*'  hoped,  on  this  occafion,  they  fhould  get  rid  of 
*'  that  irritation,  v^hich  injury  naturally  produced 
''  in  the  mind.  He  declared,  that  he  felt  for  the  in- 
^^  Jult  which  had  been  oifered  to  Mr.  Pinckney; 
*'  and  he  felt  more  for  him,  from  the  dig7iity  witli 
"  w^hich  he  had  borne  it,  and  which  had  proved  him 
''  to  be  a  proper  character  for  the  embajjy.^'  A  rea- 
fonablc  fufpicion  may  be  entertained  that  this  re- 
fpetSlable  member  exprcifed  more  flrongly  than  he 

G  g 


tU  SKETCHES    OF    THE 

felt.  He  faw  that  the  Brithh  party  were  very  iflrong 
in  the  houfe,  and  that  direcl  oppofition  to  the  main 
principle  of  the  addreis  would  be  hopelefs.  But 
llich  half-way  declarations,  although  fomctimes  ex- 
pedient within  doors,  have  a  tendency  to  niiilead 
the  public  at  large.  Mr.  Nicholas,  indeed,  after  far- 
ther compliments  on  Mr.  Pinckney,  and  his  good 
temper^  ''  confelTed,  that  the  builneis  did  not  ftrikc 
"  him  with  all  the  force  with  which  it  feemed  to 
"  have  impreiTed  the  mind  of  that  refpedlable 
''  character.*' 

.  Mr.  Nicholas  added,  that  '^  he  confidered  the 
*"^  anTsver,  reported  to  them,  as  going  to  decid?  the 
qiieftion  of  peace  or  luflr  for  this  country.  He 
thought  it  .a  thing  of  that  fort,  which  might  have 
the  worll:  pofTihle  effeiTc,  and  could  have  no  good 
eite;^:.  It  might  tend  to  irritate,  to  prevent  any 
'  fort  of  enquiry  or  fcttlement  taking  place,  but  it 
''  could  not  tend  towards  an  adjuftment  of  differ- 
''  ences- — We  are  condemning  the  French  govern- 
''  ment,  bccaufe  they  a&  for  redrcfs,  without  liften- 
*'  ing  to  negociation  ;  yet  we  fay  to  them,  lue  are 
"  right ;  you  have  no  caufe  to  complain.'^  Mr.  Ni- 
cholas fhewed  the  inconfiftcncy  of  this  prejudging 
tone.  He  ftated,  by  the  way,  that  the  houfe  had  the 
ilrongeH:  proofs,  even  the  Hecraration  of  an  Englifa 
governor,  that,  in  cafe  of  fnccefs  againfi:  France^ 
England  had  defigned  to  declare  war  againfi  Ame- 
rica. The  fpeech,  with  a  fmall  exception,  was 
commendable. 

Dr.  William  Smith  rofe  next.  He  entered  into 
the  feelings  of  Mr.  Pinckney,  and  the  hijurious  treat- 
ment which  he  had  received  from  De  la  Croix  and 
the  directory.  He  then  took  a  furvey  of  the  me- 
rits of  the  Eritirii  treaty.  ''  The  gentlemen,'*  faid 
he,  "  teil  us  we  are  feeble.  They  know  that  we 
*'  are  ?iol  feeble  }  and  that,  if  occafion  calls  us  forth, 


HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  2)^ 

"  we  fliall  be  found  able  to  defend  oiirfelves."  The 
United  States  have  the  grcatell;  natural  refources  for 
defence  by  land,  and  for  attack  by  Tea.  But  as  go- 
vernment neither  has  money,  nor  can  tel]  where  to 
get  any  important  fura,  a  war  would  run  the  ut- 
moft  ri{k  of  overturning  it.  This  difablity  of  raif- 
ing  cafti  arifcs  from  the  half-crown  certificates,  the 
bungling  affumption  a(^,  and  the  deluge  of  bank 
notes.  The  do^ftor  had,  no  doubt,  by  this  time,  a 
prefciencc  of  his  embaffy  to  Portugal.  Yet  he  might 
have  reflecT:ed  that  (ix  months  of  a  French  war  would 
link  the  ftocks  to  thirty  per  cent. 

Mr.  Freeman  read  a  long  pafTage  from  VateL 
The  fubftance  of  it  was,  that  nations  were  not 
obliged  to  receive  a  perpetual  fucccilion  of  fo.reigi\ 
minifters,  when  there  was  nothing  particular  to  be 
negociated.  They  might  be  allowed  to  meet  fucli 
envoys  upon  the  frontiers,  to  receive  their  melTage^ 
and  difmifs  them,  without  once  permitting  thenx 
to  enter  upon  the  territory  of  the  nation  to  which 
they  were  fent.  Vatel  added,  that  republics,  ia 
particular,  might  have  very  good  reafons  for  not 
choofing  to  permit  an  ambaffador  to  rcfide  among 
them  ;  becaufe,  fach  a  character  was  frequently 
employed  to  excite  difcontent  among  the  citizens*. 
Thus  he  agrees  exaftly  with  the  law  of  nations,  as 
already  cited  from  Hutchefon*.  Mr.  Freeman  re- 
ferred to  the  recent  difmilTion,  by  the  directory,  of 
thirteen  other  miniflers.  This  (hewed  that  no  par- 
ticular indignity  had  been  offered  to  the  United  ' 
States. 

Mr.  Giles  moved  that  the  committee  of  the  whole. 
houle  fnould  rife,  in  order  to  refer  the  report,  and 
amendment  by  Mr.  Nicholas,  back  to  thefejed:  com- 
mittee, 

*  Supra  Chapter  VIII, 


2j5  SKETCHES    OF    THE 

This  propofal  was  objecled  to,  with  great  vio- 
lence. At  that  part  of  the  debate,  Mr.  Otis  made 
his  maiden  fpeech.  A  few  extrafts  fliall  be  given 
from  a  copy  of  it  written  by  himfelf. — "  His  con- 
^'  flituents,  and  himlelf,  were  difpofed  to  regard 
''  the  inhabitants  of  the  fouthern  Hates  as  brothers,'*^ 
[The  party  who  fcnt  Mr.  Otis  to  congrefs,  take 
e\^ery  opening  to  calumniate  tlie  fouthern  ftates. 
To  fpeak  plainly,  the  reafons  are  as  follows.  FirJ}^ 
At  the  time  of  funding  the  national  debt,  moft  of  the 
fouthern  rcprefentatives,  refifled  the  ftock-jobbing 
views  of  eaftern  members.  Second^  If  the  Virginians 
could  obtain  an  afcendency  in  the  two  houfes,  it  is 
likely  that  they  would  proceed  to  tax  the  public 
flocks,  and  to  lay  an  impreflive  ftamp  duty  on  bank 
notes.  If  their  plan  of  paying  the  national  debt 
had  been  adopted.  Dr.  Smith,  and  Mr.  Hiilhoufe, 
%\^ould  have  only  got  the  ten-pence  or  half-crown 
per  pound,  which  they  ai^ually  paid  for  certi- 
tificates.  Thus  twenty  or  thirty  millions  of  dollars 
might  have  been  faved.  Seven  years  ago,  four  mil- 
lions of  dollars  were  fufficient  for  building  ten  fliips 
of  the  line,  and  twenty  frigates-^.  This  force,  ready 
to  be  fupported  by  three  hundred  privateers, 
would  have  compelled  either  France  or  England  to 
look,  like  Pompey,  both  before  and  behind  them, 
previous  to  their  molefling  an  American  merchant- 
man. But  inftead  of  a  commanding  navy,  and  a 
commerce  invulnerable  in  every  corner  of  the 
globet,  the  United  States  have  a  regiment  of  credi- 
tors,  with   doctor  William  Smith  at  their  head, 

*  In  I794>  the  fix  frigates  were  expesfted  to  be  built  for  fix  hun- 
<!red  and  ninerv  thoufand  dollars;  and  in  1790,  they  could  probably 
have  been  built  for  that  Turn,  Allow  then,  an  hundred  thoufand 
dollars  each,  for  twenty  frigates,  and  two  hundred  thoufand  dollars 
each,  for  ten  fhips  of  the  line.    This  makes  up  the  four  millions. 

+  Still  it  muft  be  obferved,  that  nothing  but  an  Algerine  treaty 
f  O'jld  eofure  our  trade  in  the  Mediterranean. 


HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  23^ 

feafting  on  the  piiblic  revenue,  and  receiving  fixty, 
eighty,  or  an  hundred  per  cent,  for  the  real  funis 
that  they  advanced.  While  this  is  the  cafe,  you  can- 
not walk  five  miles  in  any  inhabited  diftricl  of  Ame- 
rica, without  meeting  fome  one  who  will  tell  that 
he  was  formerly  half  beggared  by  the  explofion  of 
congrefs  paper  money.  His  claim  on  government  is 
eight  or  ten  times  julier  than  that  of  Sedgwick  or 
William  Smith,  yet  he  gets  not  a  (ingle  cent.  They 
receive  twenty  iliiilings  per  pound,  while  he,  pol- 
fibly  with  a  wooden  leg,  or  a  palfy,  earned  in  the 
fervice,  mufl:  pay  taxes  to  defray  the  demands  of 
thefe  creditors,  who  fat  in  congrefs,  and  voted 
themfelves  into  opulence,  at  the  expence  of  their 
fellow  citizens.  This  is  the  fort  of  people  under 
whofe  banner  Mr.  Otis  hath  enlifted.  His  fpeecli 
proceeds  thus:] 

'^  The  injuries  fafrained  by  us  were  of  a  high 
*'  and  atrocious  nature,  confiding  in  the  capture  of 
*'  our  vefTels,  depredations  upon  the  property  and 
^'  perfons  of  our  citizens,  the  indignity  oifcred 
"  to  our  minifter ;  bat  what  was  more  aggrava- 
"  vating  than  the  reft,  was,  the  profefTed  deter- 
''  mination  not  to  receive  our  minifler  until  the 
"  complaints  of  the  French  fliould  be  redreffed^ 
"  without  explanation  and  without  exception  ; 
"  until  we  fhould  violate  treaties,  repeal  laws, 
"  and  do  what  the  conditution  would  not  authorifc^ 
^'  vacate  folemn  judp^ments  of  our  courts  of  law. '^ 

This  extract  fhall  have  a  full  anfv/er.  To  be- 
gin with  the  Britifh  treaty,  it  was  an  injury  of  a 
high  and  atrocious  nature  towards  France,  it 
contravened  our  previous  treaty  with  her.  Be- 
fides  an  hundred  other  writers,  Mr.  Dallas,  in  his 
Features^  has  clearly  proved  this  point.  With  a 
general  reference  to  that  pamphlet,  Part  V.  one  or 
two  inflances  are  here  infertcd. 


ftjS  SKETCHES    OF    THE 

By  the  eleventh*  article  of  the  treaty  of  alliance 
betv/een  Louis  XVI.  and  the  United  States,  the  lat- 
ter guarantee  to  the  former  "  the  prefent  pofTeflions 
'^  of  the  crown  of  France  in  America,  as  well  as 
*'  tliofe  which  it  may  acqiiirc  by  the  future  treaty 
''  of  peace/'  The  king,  on  his  part,  guarantees 
the. territories  of  the  United  States.  The  federal 
party  have  ipent  thoufands  of  pages  to  prove  that 
America  owes  nothing  to  France,  on  the  fcore  of 
gratitude,  Vv^hich  was  exclufively  due  to  the  king 
himfelf.  Nav Tome  of  them  have  aliedped  that 
tlic  treaties  hety/een  the  two  countries  v/cre  voided 
by  the  di^Tolution  of  the  monarchy.  If  the  latter 
pofition  is  true,  France  cannot  be  blamed /^r  break-. 
ifUr  obligations  that  ccajc  to  exifi, 

Alexander  Kamilton,  in  his  long-wlnded  letters 
ofPacificiis^  argues  that  the  guarantee  became  void, 
becaufe  the  treaty  was  entitled  not  offenfivc  and  de- 
fenfive,  but  only  eventu&l  and  defenfive  ;  and  as  the 
French  were  the  firO:  to  declare  war  againft  Eng- 
land, hence  they  were  the  offenfive  party,  and  the 
guarantee  expired,  at  lead  for  this  time.  Such  ap- 
pears to  be  his  inference. 

If  this  was  the  view  of  the  treaty,  it  fnould 
have  been  fo  exprefTed.  But  the  twelfth  article, 
though  explanatory,  makes  no  didinc^ion,  and  the 
f'onclufion  ought  to  be  that  the  two  powers  never 
or»ce  thought  of  it.  The  guarantee  is  in  general 
terms.  If  we  forbear  to  guarantee  the  French  Weft- 
Indies,  we  fhould  certainly  not  alfifl:  England  in  at- 
tacking them.  If  the  treaty  had  any  fignification 
whatever,  this  was'  implied  in  it,  for  its  whole 
avov^ed  ohjetT:  was  to  refift  Britain,  Without  pro- 
vi (ions  from  the  United  States,  the  Englifli  could 
jRot  have    attacked   Martinique,  or    Guadaloupe* 

♦  Mr.  Dallas,  by  roiftakc,  cites  it  as  ikc  niniht 


HISTORY    OF.  AMERICA.  23^ 

Every  barrel  of  pork  or  flonr  fhipped  from  this 
continent  to  the  Britifli  We£l-Indies,  was  as  clearly 
afiifling  England  againft  France,  as  if  we  had  lent 
our  three  frigates.  A  fulpenfion  of  finpping  provii 
ilons  would  haveentirely  prevented  EngliO^  military 
operations,  and  have  ilarved  the  Englifli  iilands.  This 
was  to  render  to  France  a  very  important  iervicc; 
and,  being  merely  of  the  negative  kind,  it  furRi(h- 
ed  to  England  no  pretence  for  hoililities. 

It  will,  be  faid  that  fuch   a   prohibition  was  to 
facrifice  commerce.  Every  guarantee  implies  a  facri- 
fice.     If  a  man    is  never  to  fulfil    a   treaty,  when 
it  crofTes  his  perfonal  intereft,  it  is  entirely  ufeleis 
to  make  treaties.    By  ilepping  forward  in  this  way, 
America  could  have  Ihewed  that  flie  was  not,  what 
llie  now  is,  the  mere  anvil  of  the  belligerent  world. 
To  iave  her  Weft-Indies,  England  could  not  have 
helped    acceding  to  a  peace  ;  v/hiie,  placed  upon 
an    ifthmus,  between   the  oppoiilc  tides  of  hofli- 
iity,  America  might,  in  fome  meafure,  have  di(fl:a- 
ted  the  terms  of  an  agreement.     By  doing  nothing, 
by   a  mere  ad"    of  negation,  flie  was  to  have  done 
every  thing.     By   an  embargo    againlV  England, 
for  only  four  months,  America  could  not  have  loft 
more  than  five  or  fix  millions  of  dollars,  and  verv 
probably  not  half  that  fum.  The  whole  exports  of 
1793,  came  only  to  twenty-fix  millioAS  of  dollars  ; 
and,  on  a  medium,  thofe  of  four  months,  came  to 
lefs  than  nine  millions.  Of  thefeninc  millions  a  great 
part  did  not  confifl  of  provifions.  Such  were  cotton, 
indigo,    and    fifty-nine     thoufand     nine    hundred 
and  forty-feven  hogRieads  of  tobacco.     Of  the  pro- 
vifions various  kinds,  as  pork   and   beef,   were  m 
no  danger  of  fpoiiing.     Much  of  the  fiour  would 
have  been  exported, with  other  vivres,  to  the  Weft- 
Indies,  in  French  bottoms.     Much  of  the  remain- 
der could  have  been  kept  Vv  ithout  fuflering  damage. 


24»    .  SKETCHES    OF    THE 

putting  thefe  matters  together,  it  %vill  be  feen  that^ 
by  four  months  of  patience  and  fidelity,  and  at  the 
iofs,  comparatively  fmall,  of  one,  two,  or  three 
miiliocs  of  dollars,  America  might  have  preferved 
her  character,  along  with  French  amity.  She  had 
only  to  prohibit  every  American  or  foreign  vefTel 
from  exporting  provifions,  with  the  (ingle  exception 
of  France.  At  prefcnt,  the  republic  may,  in  fa- 
miliar language,  explain  herfelf  thus.  You  pro- 
miil'd  to  help  me  in  defending  my  houfe.  I  did 
not  afk  your  aid,  but  you  have  lent  the  robber  a 
hatchet  to  break  vip  my  door.  This  volume  is 
addrefTed  only  to  men,  who  refpecl  thefpirit  as 
well  as  the  htter  of  a  bargain.  To  them  enough 
has  been  faid  in  demonflration  of  American  fel- 
fifhnefs,  ignorance,  and  duplicity.  French  depre- 
dations are  a  bitter  dofe,  for  which  America  may 
thank  herfelf. 


CHAPTER    XI. 

The  fpeech  of  Mr. Otis  continued. — Explajiation  of  the 
difpiite  between  France  and  the  United  States, — 
Mr, Giles. — Mr,  Swanwick. — Mr. Living fton. — 
/yfr.  Coit. — Mr.  Harper. — His  equivoque, — Its 
detection  by  Mr,  Living fion. — Tri^mming  enco^nium 
C7i  Pinckney  by  Mr,  Giles. — Mr,  Gallatin. — Har^ 
per  verfus  Buonaparte. — Strange  uo aft e  oftime^  on 
an  anfwer  to  the prefidenfs  fpeech, — Admijjton  by 
Prefident  Adams.,  that  we  are  a  divided  people. — 
Invafion  of  Pennjylvania  by  the  Sifquekanna  com- 
pany , 

-r\LONG  with  the  treaty  of  alliance 
eventual  and  defenfive,  there  was  iubfcribed  at 
Paris  another  of  amity  and  commerce.  The  latter 
indrument,  in    a  fpirit  of  liberality  very  different 


HISTORY    OF"    AMERICA.  24! 

from  Jay's,  had  fixed  the  rulQthsX  free  bottoms  make 
free  goods.  The  twenty-thh'd  article  fays,  that  k  (hail 
be  lawful  '*  to  fail  with  the  fliips  and  merchan- 
"  difes  aforementioned,  and  to  trade  with  the  fame 
''  liberty  and  fe cur ity  from  the  places,  ports,  and 
*'  havens  of  thofewho  are  enemies  of  both  or  either 
"  party ^  without  any  oppofition,  or  diflnrbance 
''  whatfoever,  not  only  directly  from  the  places  of 
*'  the  enemy  aforementioned  to  neutral  places  ;  but 
''  alfo  from  one  place  belonging  to  an  enemy ^  to  ano- 
'^  ther  place  belonging  to  an  enemy. — And  it  is 
"  hereby  ftipulated,  that  Iv^o^  fliips  iliall  alfo  give 
"  a  freedom  to  goods.*'  The  article  has  much 
more  to  this  effect.  The  twenty-fourth  enumerates 
all  ^ovts>  of  provifions  as  coming  v/ithin  tlie  definition 
of  free  goods.  This  treaty  is  dated  at  Paris,  Fe- 
bruary 6th,  1778. 

The  eighteenth  article  of  the  Britifli  treaty  has 
beenaboye cited,  and befidesabolifbingthe privilege 
of  free  bottoms,  it  warrants  the  feizure  of  provi- 
fions,  on  paying  the  price  of  them. 

The  twenty-fifth  article  does,  indeed,  fay,  that, 
''  nothing  in  this  treaty  contained  fliall,  however,  be 
*'  conftrued  or  operate  contrary  to  former  and  exifl- 
"  ingpublic  treaties  with  other  fovereigns  or  fates  J^ 
If  this  (lipulation  had  been  obferved,  it  feems 
that  tlie  republic  would  have  had  no  caufe  to  com- 
plain of  that  eighteenth  article.  But  the  meafurcs 
of  England  have  been  a  fyftematic  violation  of  it. 
In  fpite  of  the  treaty  of  Paris,  America  has  con- 
flantly  fuffered  French  goods  to  be  taken  out  of 
her  bottoms.  Vad  quantities  of  provifions  have 
been  feized  from  American  fliipping  bound  for 
France,  at  the  very  time,  when  the  Englifli  were 
boaftingthat  they  would  flarve  her^.     In  the  face 

*  The  plan  of  ftarving  tlu^  French  nation  was  the  mod  diaboli- 
cal that  ever  entered  into  the  heart  even  of  an  emperor,  or  a  king. 

Hh 


242  SiCETCHES    OF^    THS: 

of  fucli  matters^  it  is  not  wonderful  that  the  Frenck 

are  angry. 

Mr.  Jay's  friends  reply,  th^t  France,  by  the 
fecond  article  of  the  treaty  of  Paris,  was  enti- 
tled to"^'  any  particular  favour  in  refpeiTt  of  com- 
''  merce  and  navigation'^  that  fnould  be  granted 
by  the  United  States  to  another  nation.  Of  con-» 
ieqiience,  when  jay  gave  np  the  right  of  free  bot- 
tomSjandofprovifionvefTelsj  to  England,  the  French 
came  to  have  the  fame  privilege  of  flopping  them. 
But  the  twenty-fifth  article,  above  quoted, 
fner/s  that  Jay  had  really  faved  the  republic,  in 
this  point.  Yet  the  exception  of  the  French,  as 
to  provifions,  and  free  bottoms,  ought,  at  fo  criti- 
cal a  time,  to  have  been  fully  and  fairly  named- 
The  defertion  of  neutral  rights,  even  in  the  (light- 
ell  way,  opened  a  pretence  for  abufe. 

The  cafe  between  France  and  America  appears 
to  be  Oiortly  this.  Jay,  in  his  treaty,  gave  up  the 
principle  of  free  bottoms,  with  the  exception  of 
treaties  already  made  by  the  United  States.  This 
was  wrong ;  yet  the  twenty-fifth  article  ought  to 

It  conld  nor  fcrve  to  dlfDand  French  armies,   but  mufl  have  hatd  atl 
oppofite  efFecl. 

In  f  709}  France  wns  ravaged  by  a  terrible  famine  ;  and  the  ranks 
of  their  armies  were  overwhelmed  with  vokmteers;  for  hunger  is  ari 
admirable  recruiting  officer.  The  very  fame  circumftance  has 
happened  both  before  and  fince.  A  fcarcity  of  provifions  alone  would 
be  fufficient  to  fill  the  batrnlions. 

The  military  part  of  a  nation,  are  always^  in  the   lafl  refort,  it* 
maPcers.    Hence,  in   a  general  famine,  they  are    the  laft  clafs  of 
citi/ens  who  feel  the  extremity  of  hunger.     The  firfl  part  of  the 
French  nation  which  die  of  it  muftbe  their  old  men,  women,  and 
children. 

The  Engliih  are  fond  of  reprefenting  their  neighbours  as  hi 
a  (iaie  cf  Jiarz-ing,  When  they  with  to  revile  the  Welch,  the 
Scotch,  the  Irifti,  or  the  French,  goat-milk  cheefe,  oatmeal,  po- 
tatoes, and  frogs  are  favourite  topics.  Time  ahcut  is  fair  plcy,  fayi 
the  proverb.  Many  thoufanJs  of  peopic  in  England  have,  fines  that 
fchemc  of  ilAiving  France,  died  of  hunger. 


HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  24J 

have  faved  France.  The  Englidi,  in  reading  their 
copy  of  the  treaty,  overleaped  this  excepting  arti> 
cle,  and,  juft  as  if  it  never  had  been  written,  con- 
tinued to  feize  French  property  on  board  of  x\meri' 
can  vefTels,  as  likewife  American  provifions  freight- 
ed for  any  part  of  the  republic.  When  thii  trea- 
ty was  publi/hed  in  America,  the  directory  were 
bufy  in  arranging  affairs  of  intricate  complication, 
and  ftupendous  importance.  The  recent  conquefl 
of  Flanders  and  Holland  called  for  their  whole 
attention.  Compared  with  fuch  objecfts,  the  cap- 
ture of  five  hundred  veffels,  either  by  their  ene- 
mies or  fro77tthcmy  was  a  trifle.  Bcfides,  oppod- 
tion  to  Jay's  treaty  became  i^o  violent  in  America 
that  there  was  the  greateft  chance  for  congrefs 
overfetting  it,  as  indeed  it  cfcaped  in  the  end  on- 
ly by  a  fingle  vote*  out  of  ninety- feven. 
'  In  fummer,  17 9^ t  a  fplendid  prize  was  to  be 
contended  for  in  Italy,  and  till  that  difpute  had 
been  partly  decided,  the  diredory  did  not  wifti  to 
entangle  themielves  in  American  negociation* 
Buonaparte,  whofe  name  hath  fmce  become  fynoni- 
mous  to  viiflory,  foon  convinced  the  world  what 
was  to  be  the  fate  of  Lombardy,  When  the  di- 
redlory  perceived  the  republic  to  be  profperous 
on  that  fide,  tliey  of  courfe  turned  their  attention 
to  this  country.     Obfervc  the  following  dates. 

Jay's  treaty  had  been  figned  on  the  19th  of  No- 
vember, 1794.  I^  ^^^  ratified  by  the  £cu:ite,  on 
June  24th,  1795*,  ^"^  t>y  Mr.  Randolph,  as 
fecretary  of  llate,  on  Auguft  14th,  1795. 
The  appropriations  for  effe^ling  the  British 
treaty  were  not  ageeed  to,  by  the  rcprefenta- 
tives,   till  April   30th,   1796.     During  this  whole 

*  That  of  Mr.  Muhlenberg,  \n  a  committee  of  the  whole  houfa 
of  reprefentatjvess 


244  SKETCHESOFTKE 

time,  the  French  did  not  plunder  Ainerican 
vefTels,  unlefs  in  two  or  three  rare  inflances, 
while  the  Britifh  were  feizing  them  by  hundreds. 
That  this  was  the  cafe  has  been  afcertained  in 
the  Hiftory  of  1796,  which  contains  a  copious  ac- 
count of  all  captures  made  by  French,  or  Englifh 
privateers  up  to  about  the  end  of  April.  The  detail 
was  then  fuipended  from  want  of  room. 

This  forbearance,  on  the  part  of  France,  from  the 
time  that  the  treaty  had  been  approved  by  the  pre- 
lident,  till  appropriations  w^ere  made  for  it  by  con- 
grcfs,  was  the  refult  of  honourable  and  found  poli- 
cy. By  commencing  the  capture  of  American  (liip- 
ping,  while  the  fate  of  Jay's  treaty  was  A^et  unde- 
cided, they  would  have  been  fure  to  exafperate  the 
people  of  this  country,  and  run  the  chance  of  driv- 
ing them  into  a  flill  clofer  connet^ion  with  England. 
They  did  not  furnifh  America  with  any  pretence  or 
provocation  to  quarrel  with  them,  while,  at  the 
fame  time,  they  left  her  to  the  free  operation  of  her 
own  mind.  The  republic,  during  this  interval,  fuf- 
fered  feverely  by  the  treaty  ;  for  they  refpefted 
that  of  Paris,  while  the  United  States  permitted  Eng- 
land to  break  it.  The  French,  agreeably  to  its  fti- 
pulations,  allowed  Britifli  property  to  go  free,  if 
protected  by  an  American  bottom  ;  while  the  Bri- 
tifh, in  exprefs  violation  of  the  twenty-fifth  and 
laving  article  of  Jay's  treaty,  feized  French  pro- 
perty in  American  fhipping. 

Thefe  are  fafts  inconteflably  trwe  ;  and  they  place 
France  in  the  mofi:  favourable  light,  when  com- 
pared to  Britain.  Under  very  great  difadvantage, 
the  republic  adhered  to  her  treaty  of  1778,  while 
England  was  inceffantly  violating  the  one,  dilated 
by  herfelf,  that  fhe  had  juft  made  with  Jay.  The 
republic  thus  ac^ed  with  flrid  honour,  while  Eng- 
|'4rid  difplayed  treachery.  Yet  even  this  perfidy  and 


HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  24^ 

effrontery  had  no  elfecfl:  in  ronfing  America  to  manly 
feelings.  On  the  contrary,  in  ipring,  1796,  while 
the  treaty  was  before  congrefs,  and  v/hile  Britilh 
captures  and  imprefFnients  filled  every  newipaper, 
Meffrs.  Harper  and  Tracy  flood  up  in  the  houle  to 
deny  their  exigence.  An  artificial  caterwauling  was^ 
in  the  meanwhile,  excited  all  over  the  country,  that 
unlefs  the  United  States  agreed  to  Jay's  treaty, 
England  would  declare  war.  In  vain  did  Mr.  Gal- 
latin, and  others,  urge,  that,  before  the  appropria- 
tion for  effet^ring  it,  England  (liould  be  compelled 
to  fufpend  her  piracies.  For  urging  a  propofitioa 
fo  jiift  in  itfelf,  and  fo  important  to  America,  they 
were,  in  the  brutal,  paper-jobbing  diakiSJ:,  reproach- 
ed as  pen  doners  of  France. 

The  republic,  in  the  unavoidable  exercife  of  her 
judgment,  could  not  help  defpifing  a  people  fo  com- 
pletely enfeebled  by  pufillanimity,  by  felfiflincis,  and 
by  fa<^ion.  Almoft  one  half  of  congrefs  were  fo  far 
from  wanting  to  redrefs  the  Britifn  injuries  com- 
mitted on  their  allies,  and  even  on  their  own  con- 
ftituents,  that  they  cenfured  every  member  who 
wiflied    to   complain.     When    the    directory  faw 
that  the  federal  fatStion  w^ere  entirely  vi(ilorious  ; 
that  England  continued  to  feize  French  property  in 
American  bottoms  ;    and  that  our  executive  took 
no  effecfiive  fleps  to  prevent  it ;  having  waited  as 
long  as  juftice  to  their  fellow  citizens  could  permit 
them    to   wait;    they,    on   July  2d,    1796,  pafTed 
a   decree,   of  which  Mr.  Pickering  gives  this   ac- 
count. "  It  announces,  that  the  con du 61  of  France 
"  towards  neutrals,  will  be  regulated  by  the  man- 
"  ner  in  which  they  ihould  fufFer  the  Englifh  to 
"  treat  them*."    If  they  were  to  be  ruled  by  that 
precedent,  they  could  never  be  at  a  lofs  to  vindi- 

*  MeiTage  from  the  Prefident,  of  zzd  June,  1797?  p,  6. 


$.6  SKETCHES    OF    THE 

cate  all  forts  of  crimes.  Though  the  idecreQ 
avas  dated  July  2tJ,  1796,  it  was  not,  as  Mr. 
Pickering  obierves,  ''  in  general  operation,  untii 
*'•  OcT-ober."  From  this  account  it  clearly  follows, 
that  French  depredations  are  the  confequence  of 
congrefs  having  appropriated  for  Jay's  treaty,  with- 
out malcingeven  an  atiempt  to  enforce  that  of  Paris, 
for  the  protedtion  of  French  property  under  the 
^mericafi  flag. 

The  principle  laid  down  in  the  decree  is,  in  itfelf, 
equitable.  It  has  been  followed,  on  the  2d  of  March, 
1797-^  '^y  ^^^^  f^^li  more  explicit,  and  which  forms 
No.  ll.  of  the  documents,  already  cited,  laid  before 
congrefs,  by  Mr.  Adams,  on  June  2 2d,  1797, 
An  abridgement  of  the  chief  articles  in  the  latter 
edi'rt,  v/ill  explain  the  greater  part  of  the  prefent 
grounds  of  complaint,  which  France  has  againft 
America,  and  which  are  fairly  deducible  from  Jay's 
unhappy  defcrtion  of  the  dod:rine,  that  free  bottoms 
make  free  goods  ;  that  a  French  cargo  is  fafe  under 
the  American  flag. 

The  direiEtory  begin  by  quoting  a  law  of  May 
9th,  1793,  ^^  which,  the  prefent  decree  is  little 
more  than  a  fecond  edition.  This  law,  which  had 
either  been  long  fufpended,  or,  indeed,  never  exe- 
cuted, fats  out  with  complaining  that  the  enemies 
of  France  violate  the  flag  of  neutral  powers  to  her 
prejudice,  and  therefore,  fays,  that  (lie  can  no  longer 
fulfil,  towards  thofe  neutral  powers  in  general,  the 
wiOi  that  (he  has  conftantly  manifefted  for  the  en- 
tire freedom  of  commerce  and  navigation. 

The  law  of  1793,  ^^^^  enjoins,  that  neutral  vef- 
fels  ma}*  be  llopt,  when  the  property  of  an  enemy 
is  found  on  board  of  them.  Thus,  if  a  merchant  in 
London,  comes  over  to  Norfolk,  in  Virginia,  buys 
a  quantity  of  tobacco,  and  Ihips  it  for  England,  in 
an  American  bottonij  the  cargo  will  be  fcizable. 


HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  247 

llic  vefTel,  however,  is  to  be  difcharged,  as  foori 
as  unloaded,  and  what  American  property  Ihe  may 
contain  is  alio  free.  She  is  to  be  paid  the  freight  for 
which  fiie  was  hired,  with  a  juil  indemnification  for 
the  time  of  her  being  detained.  French  tribunals 
are  appointed  to  determine  thofe  matters.  The  ]aw, 
witli  equity,  adds,  that  its  operations  againfi:  neutral 
bottoms  are  to  ceafe,  whenever  the  enemy  fhall  de- 
clare that  they  will  no  lonp;er  molefl  French  pro- 
perty in  the  like  fituation*  All  this,  with  the  long 
forbearance  of  France,  till  fo  late  as  Ocftober,  1796, 
evidently  proves,  that  the  republic  was  driven  into 
the  prefent  attack  upon  neutral  bottoms,  by  the  ne- 
ceiiity  of  creating  a  counterbalance  to  the  previous 
and  ftill  continued  piracies  of  Britain* 

Having  cited  this  law,  the  decree  ne:j^t  refers  to 
Jay's  treaty,  and  that  of  Paris.  It  explains  wherein 
they  differ,  and  in  what  way  they  mufl  be  recon- 
ciled, in  order  to  fecure  an  equal  advantage  to 
France  as  to  England.  The  direifrory  quote,  in  their 
defence,  the  fecond  article  of  the  treaty  of  Paris, 
whicli  begins  in  thefe  terms. 

''  The  moll  chriftian  king,  and  the  United  States, 
*'  engage,  mutually,  not  to  grant  any  particular  fa- 
*'  vour  to  other  nations,  in  reipedr  of  commerce  and 
''  navigation,  whick  fhall  not  immediately  be  com- 
''  mon  to  the  other  party,  who  (hall  enjoy  the  fame 
*'  favour.'^ 

After  explaining  the  neccffity  for  taking 
advantage  of  this  llipulation,  the  decree  quotes 
the  feventeenth  article  of  Jay's  treaty,  and, 
grounding  precifely  on  the  fame  footing,  declares, 
th^t  free piips  SFc  not  to  make  free  cargoes.  It  next: 
refers  to  the  eighteenth  article,  and  in  like  manner 
extends  the  lift  of  contraband  goods  beyond  what: 
was  fettled  by  the  treaty  of  Paris.  Jay  had  admit- 
ted fliip-timbcr,  pitch,  tar,  hemp,  and  fome  other 


a^S  SKETCHES    OF    THE 

articles  to  be  ieizable,  even  though  American  pro- 
perty. The  decree  follows  up  this  blow,  and  jullice 
cannot  blame  it. 

Jay,  by  ti^e  twenty-finl:  article,  tonfented,  that  an 
American  Tailor,  lighting  on  board  of  a  French  vefTel, 
and  taken  prifoner  by  England,  fnall  be  treated  as 
a  pirate.  The  French  decree  copies  this  claufe,  and 
then  maF.es  the  lame  declaration.  It  farther  adds, 
that  an  American  fball  not  be  permitted  to  plead 
impff:[;ment.  This  is  hard  upon  individuals,  but  as 
to  die  United  States  at  large,  they  never  made  any 
ferioLis  efforts  to  hinder  Englifh  kidnapping.  Their 
negligence  caufed  great  numbers  of  Americans  to 
be  impvefTed,  and  v/hether  as  volunteers,  or  by 
compuifion,  they  are  equally  elie«51iv eagainflFr an cc. 
Hciice  the  republic  is  warranted,  in  her  own  de- 
,fei:ce,  to  ufe  every  method  for  compelling  the  Uni- 
tc?d  States  to  do  juftice  to  themfelves,  and  to  her. 

Mr.  Pinckney*  iays,  that  American  failors  are 
Ttt  preient  detained  in  Breft,  as  prifoners  of  war, 
and  "  fuller  much  by  clofe  confinement  and  bad 
''  provifions."  They  may  thank  the  miferablc 
clii'iie  wiiich  declared  them  liable  to  be  confidered 
as  pirates,  if  they  enlifled  on  board  of  French  fliips 
of  war.  But  for  that  claufe,  the  French  would 
have  been  glad  to  fet  them  free,  and  take  them 
into  their  own  fervice.  At  prefent,  many  Ameri- 
cans are,  in  Ipite  of  the  treaty,  in  the  French 
.r.avy,  and  thefe  prifoners  in  Breft  will  be  kept  mofl 
likely,  as  a  pledge,  in  cafe  that  Barney,  or  fome 
oti^er  Americans,  in  the  French  fervice,  (liall  be 
captured  by  the  Englifi:i.  Jay  has  authorifed  Gren- 
ville  to  hang  Barney,  and  the  direcftory  keep  ano- 
ther fet  of  Americans  for  the  halter  of  retaliation. 
To  fuch    a  climax  of  independence,  re{]3ecT:,  and 

*  Documents,  &c,  p.  33. 


HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  249 

dignity,  lus  this  country  been  elevated  by  the 
maflerly  politics  of  the  federal  party.  It  is  im- 
poilible  that  we  fliould  efcape  t^ie  imiverfal  con- 
tempt of  Europe.  The  fix  percent,  cabinet  have 
converted  the  national  chara(n:er  into  a  fort  of  po- 
litical common  fev/er  for  the  reception  of  every 
indignity  from  every  government  on  earth. 

The  two  decrees  of  the  French  directory,  of 
July  2d,  I79'6,  and  March  2d,  I797,  are  evi- 
dently engrafced  on  the  principles  of  the  iSritilh 
treaty,  and  mufl  be  afcribed  exclufively  to  it.  The)" 
differ  effentialh^  from  the  buccaneering  proclama- 
tions of  the  Britifli  king,  for  tlie  legal  adjudication 
of  American  veiTels.  They  go  precifely  es  far  as 
the  United  States  already  faffered  England  to  go,  and 
not  a  ftep  farther.  In  executing  thefe  French  de- 
crees, many  feizures  have  taken  place,  which  they 
did  not  apparently  contemplate.  Many  horrid  out- 
rages have  been  committed  on  the  property  and 
perfoias  of  Americans;  for  the  crew  of  a  Freneli 
privateer  are  compofed  of  as  coarfe  materials  as 
thofe  of  an  Englifh  one*  But  the  conduft  of  our 
government  led  exactly  to  fuch  a  fituation.  For 
fome  yejtrs  paft  it  has  beat  np  for  external  indigni- 
ties. It  has  fent  out  riders  to  take  in  commif- 
fions  for  infult.  Such  were  thofe  factors  of  de- 
gradation, Thomas  Pinckney  and  John  Jay.  "  If 
"  the  treaty  is  ratified,'*  faid  prefident  Wafliing- 
ton,  '/  the  partifans  of  the  French,  or  rather  of 
"  war  and  confufion,  will  excite  them  to  hoflilc 
''  meafures  ;  or  at  leafl:  to  unfriendly  fentiments''^." 
In  every  word  he  was  miflaken.  The  treaty  was 
oppofsd  by  friends  of  peace  and  order.  Since  it 
paft,  they  have  never  excited  the  French  to  hoftili- 
ties.  But  war  and   confufion  were  juftly  forefeen, 

*  Randolph  p.  37, 

li 


i^o  SKETCHES    OF   THK 

as  the  obvious  conlcquence  of  the  treaty  itfelf.  It 
was  framed  under  the  aufpices  of  a  party  in  pro- 
feffed  enmity  to  France.  ''  The  fucccfs  of  the 
duke  of  Brunfwick    was  moll  earneftly  wifhed 

or  by  the  principal  agents  of  this  ariftocratic 
*'  and  fiical  party,  who  had  not  even  the  decency 
^'  to  conceal  their  fentiments  upon  the  fubjecTt. — 
''  The  pulie  of  the  whole  party  beat  in  unifon 
''  with  him,  as  he  advanced  towards  Paris,  and 
**^  witii  him  they  v/ere  covered  witli  fharne  and 
"  mortification  as  he  retreated*.''  Yet,  with  their 
nfu al  fmcerity,  "they  affeft  to  date  their  dread  of 
France  from  the  arrival  of  Genet,  about  eight 
months  after* 

This  explanation  has  been  fomewhat  loiig,  but 
it  accounts  for  the  prefent  conduit  of  the  French. 
It  (liews  that  they  have  received  atrocious  provo- 
cation ;  that  they  bore  it  for  a  confiderable  time, 
witli  patience,  till  they  faw  that  no  redrefs  was 
to  be  expecfled.  They  are  now  ailing,  from  honeft 
refeiitment,  what  England  did  from  wanton  info- 
Icnce.  This  is  the  real  diilindiion  between  the  pi- 
racies of  the  two  nations.  When  a  man  becomes 
both  judge  and  avenger  in  his  own  caufe,  he  is  apt 
not  only  to  get  juflice,  but  fomething  more  than 
jnilice.  This  is,  no  doubt,  the  way  with  the  French ; 
but  for  the  original  mifchief,  we  are  to  blame  fuch 
legiilators  as  Ilarrifon  Otis,  to  whoie  harangue  we 
are  now  to  return. 

''  Where,''  faid  Mr.  Otis,  "  arc  your  failors  ? 
*'  Lillen  to  the  palling  gale  of  the  ocean,  and 
*'  you  v»"ill  hear  their  groans  ifluing  from  French 
^'  prifon  iljips."  If  they  were  taken  in  Englifh  fhips 
of  war,  the  Frencli  are  well  entitled  to  confine  them. 
\Vhile  the  Britifii  imprelFed  Americans  by  thoufands, 

*  An  Examination  of  the  late  Pfoccc^iBga  in  Congrcfs,  See,  p.  2  j. 


HISTORY    0¥    AMERICA.  25^1 

the  federal  party  were  troubled  with  an  invincible 
deafncfs.  But  whenever  the  French  begin  to  oilend 
in  the  fame  way,  they  become  quick  of  hearing. 

Mr.  Otis  *'  dsfied  the  ingenuity  of  any  gentle- 
*'  man  to  draw  a  coniparifon  between  the  ^i- 
*'  reiHiory  and  the  Eritifli  parliament,  to  the  ad- 
*'  vantage  of  the  former;  and  infijled  that  the  de- 
*'  mands  of  Charles  de  la  Croix  were  upon  a  para- 
''  lei  with  thofeof  lord  North."  If  the  orator  means 
to  compare  the  parliament  of  1775,  with  the  pre- 
fent  directory,  or  to  fay  that  the  difmiflion  of  Piuck- 
ney  amounts  to  another  Boflon  port  bill,  he  com- 
mits a  grofs  violation  of  truth.  Incendiaries,  like 
Mr.  Otis,  have  hurried  this  country  into  a  fcries  of 
meafures  offcnfivcto  France,  and  previoufly  defign- 
cd  tobefo.  America  muft  now  retrace  her  fleps.  If 
La  Croix  had  feBt  forty  thoufand  men  to  invade  this 
continent,  there  would  be  fomc  meaning  in  the  defi- 
ance of  Mr.  Otis.  Bat  now,  it  is  the  challenge  of  ig- 
norance, debility,  andimpofture. 

''  There  was  a  time  when  he  (Mr.  Otis)  was  ani- 
^'  mated  with  enthufiafm  in  favour  of  the  French 
"  revolution,  and  he  cheriflied  it,  while  civil  liberty 
''  appeared  to  be  the  objed: ;  but  he  now  confidered 
^*  that  revolution  as  completely  atchieved,  and  that 
*'  the  war  was  continued,  not  for  liberty,  but  for 
*'  conqueft  and  aggrandizement,  to  which  he  did 
''  not  believe  it  v/ss  the  inter  eft  of  this  count  ly  to 
*'  contribute,^' 

The  p«wer  of  France  may  become  dangerous  to 
the  United  States,  becaufe  they  have  treated  her  as, 
an  alien.  This  cannot  be  helped.  They  are  but  in 
the  griftle  of  political  flrength,  and  mxuft  fail  with 
the  flream.  As  for  the  revolution  being  co77ipletely 
atchieved^  Mr.  Fcnno  hath  fince  affirmed,  that  it  is 
oii  the  eve  of  being  hloivn  up*".  The  hope  of  a  dif* 
*  Supra  Chap.  VIJI, 


n^t  SKETCHES    OF    THE 

ference  between  the  diredory  and  the  council  of 
five  hundred,  induced  Mahiiefbury,  as  the  French 
affirm,  to  retard,  for  fome  time,  bis  fecond  nego- 
ciation.  This  v/e  learn  by  a  mefiTage  from  the  for- 
mer body  to  the  latter.  Such  a  delay,  at  this  late 
period  of  the  war,  flicvvs  the  good  will  and  unex- 
tinguiflied  hope  of  the  combined  powers.  Civil  li- 
berty is  as  much  the  objcL^l:  of  the  revohjtion  as  it 
ever  was.  Mr.  Otis  and  his  party  pretend  to  be  re- 
publicans. Hence,  inftead  of  regretting,  they  iliould 
have  been  glad  at  the  eiiablhhnient  of  an  Italian 
republic.  They  ought  to  wi(h  for  a  fimilar  refor- 
mation in  the  German  empire;  that  mankind  might 
have  a  choice  of  their  own,  and  be  no  longer  driven 
into  military  fcrvice,  like  an  ox  to  the  flaughter.  A 
true  republican  will  rejoice  as  much  at  the  fuccefs 
of  his  principles,  as  a  true  chriftian  at  the  propaga- 
tion of  the  gofpel.  Had  Otis  been  an  Iriili  peafant, 
cxiiling,  with  his  family,  upon  fix-pence  flerlicg  per 
day,  he  v/ouid  have  feen  the  propriety  of  an  alte- 
ration in  government*.  If  his  father,  an  Auflrian 
farmer,  had  cut  off  his  thumbs  to  fecure  him  from 
confcription,  our  fpokefman  would  have  panted  for 
the  depofition  of  his  imperial  majefty.  The  reft  of 
this  long  fpeech  may,  without  injuring  the  fame  of 
Mr.  Otis,  be  fuffered  to  fmk  in  oblivion. 

*  A  London  newfpaper  of  September  25;,  1796,  gives  a  report 
from  a  committee  of  the  whig  club  of  Ireland.  They  fay,  that,  in 
many  parts  of  that  country,  a  labourer,  during  the  preceding  win- 
ter, and  fpring,  had  only  fix-pence  per  day,  while  oatmeal  was  at 
eighteen-pence,  and  potatoes  at  three-pence  farthing  per  ftone. 

At  fix-pence  per  day,  the  labour  of  a  week  amounts  to  three  iliil- 
L'ngs.  With  this,  the  man  could  buy  two  ftones,  or  thirty-two  pounds 
cf  mealj  for  himfelf,  his  wife,  and  three  children.  This  came  to 
jfburteen-  o-ances  and  an  half  of  oatmeal  per  day,  for  each,  c«  the 
fuppofition  that  the  family  could  live  without  fire,"  clothes,  or  lodging. 
The  report  adds,  that  the  price  of  oatmeal  and  potatoes,  during  the 
^bave  period, 'had  been,  nor  lefs,  but  often  confiderably  dcaier  than 
♦ii;ie  rates;  'and  that,  fcir  the  IaJI  three  years,  the  general  i^ate  of  thQ 
^^c^'  b^d  been  but  in  a  (rpall  degree  bc;ter^ 


HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  253 

Mr.  Giles  role  ibon  after.  He  remarked,  that 
while  we  were  lb  loudly  denying  ourfelves  to  be  a 
divided  people,  the  very  debate  proved  us  to  be  To, 
This  inconteftable  oblervation,  strikes  at  the  root  of 
the  prefident's  fpeech.  Barras  had  only  faid  what 
all  mankind  know  to  be  true. 

Mr.  Swanwick  fpoke  in  defence  of  the  amend- 
ment of  Mr.  Nicholas.    He  '^  thought,  that  a  niim- 
''  ber  of  gentlemen  had  already /Zx<f^//^<?/r  opinio7is 
^^  for  A  French  war. — It  was  laid,  that  it  would 
*'  be  dilating  to  the  executive  to  exprefs  our  opi- 
'^  nion  of  what  mcafures  oiight  to  be  taken.  Mr. 
"  Swanwick  did  not  underltand  this  language.  The 
'^  executive  had  called  us  together  to  tell  us  the 
"  prcfent  flate  of  affairs.    And  are  we  to  fit  with 
*'  our  arms  folded  \    Are  we  to  go  into  the  merits 
*^  of  the  ipcech  ;  its  arguments  ;  and  the  circuni- 
"  fiances  attending  it ;  and  not  to  fay  a  fmgle  word 
"  of  what  ought  to  be  done,  becaule  it  is  not  our 
"  department  I  What  1  Is  not  the  peace  of  the  coim- 
try   ivithin  our  department  f    Are  we  called  toge- 
ther only  to  vote  for  taxes  f  xAre  we  fo  muzzled 
'  by  the  conftitution,  that  we  muft  be  filent  about 
the  great  concerns  of  the  nation  \    ^Ve  are   not 
*^'  now  interfering  with  the  treaty-making  power, 
"  but  merely  giving  a  general  opinion.  Could  fuch 
*'  filence  have  been  in  the  view  of  the  framers  of 
*'  the   conftitution  ?  We  may  not  give  an  advice 
■ '  before  hand  1    After  the  treaty  is  made  it  is  the 
^'  law,  and  the  houle  hav^e  no  right  of  doing  any 
"  thing  but  to  give  their  money." 
This  aro-ument  was  unanfwerable. 
If  the  federal  patriots  could  obtain  their  apparent 
object:,  the  legidature  would  fmk  into  a  mere  office 
for  the  regiilration  of  taxes.   No   Britidi  minifter 
durft  forbid  a  member  of  parliament  from  difcuf- 
^i-^%  the  preference  of  peace  or  war. 


254  SKETCHES    OF    TH© 

Mr.  Livingflon  was  for  the  amendment.  *'  If  \vc 
''  adhere^"  faidhe,  *'  totheflile  of  the  addrefs  as  re- 
'\  ported,  goto  war  we  mml.  War  is  the  idea  of  the 
^"^  Jpccch, — Mr.  Livingfton  afked,  if  we  were  to  fight 
*^  the  French  becaufe  they  CKprefTed  good  wiflies 
^'  for  the  people  of  America/'  (This  referred  to 
the  fpeech  of  Barras.)  "  Mr.  Livingilbn  thought, 
"  that  the  Dutch  had  fully  as  much  reafon  to  be 
"  offended  with  Quincy  Adams,  as  we  had  to  com- 
"  plaia  of  3arras."  Here  he  read  the  paffage  in  Mr. 
Adams'?  letter,  whichidefcribcs  the  dependent  flatc 
of  tlie  patriotic  party  in  Holland. 

Mr.  Coit  propofcd  fever al  additions  and  altera- 
tions of  his  own.  He  was  forry  that  the  houfc  had 
ever  got  into  the  habit  of  anfwering  prefidential 
fpeeches.  He  recommendcdtheomillion  of  all  which 
related  to  Barras,  and  the  infcrtion  of  fomething  in 
a  fofter  tone. 

Mr.  Livingfton  had  fpoke  of  the  impreffment 
of  thoufands  of  American  fcamen.  Mr.  Harper, 
in  contradi(fl:ion  to  this,  declared  that  he  could 
produce  very  good  authority ;  being  that  of  the 
gentleman  himfelf.  He  was  appointed  chairman 
of  a  committee  to  report  on  the  fubje^l ;  and,  af- 
ter an  enquiry  of  fcveral  months,  the  refult  ftood 
thus  : 

American  fcamen  impreffed,  42 

Natives  of  Britain,  12 

Foreigners,  16 

Country  unknown,  17 

Total,  97 


Tlijs  he  thought  a  fufficient  reply. 

Mr.  Livingflon  faid,  that,  with  regard  to  the  itii- 
prelTment,  returns  had  only  been  made  by  five 
or  fix  collectors  5  fo  that  the  accounts  contained 


HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  i|^ 

nothing  like  a  fLatement  of  the  real  amount  of 
imprefiinents. — Among  others,  the  great  port  of 
New- York  had  fent  no  return.  Even  thole  tliat 
were  made  out  referred  only  to  a  few  months  > 
from  the  beginning  of  January,  1796  ;  and  thou- 
fands  of  feamen  might  have  been  impreflcd  befoie 
that  account  began.  Mr.  Livingflon  had  never 
heard  that  any  of  the  above  people  were  rcleafed. 

To  this  explanation  Harper  made  no  anfwer. 
He  ftood  plainly  convitflied  of  an  attempt  to  deceive 
thehoufe.  He  wanted,  as  Henry  Fielding  expreffes 
it,  to  convey  A  lie  in  the  words  of  triitJu  The 
report  contained,  indeed,  only  ninety  fcvcn  names  ; 
but  then,  as  Harper  well  knew,  it  v/as  confined 
to  a  mere  handful  of  the  imprcffmcnts. 

Mr.  Giles  made  a  long  fpcech  in  favour  of  the 
amendment  of  Mr.  Nicholas.  He ''  gave  Mr.  Pinck- 
''  ney great  credit  for  his  behaviour.  He  had  ac- 
*'  quired  as  much  reputation,  as,  in  fuch  an  exigen- 
''  cy,  it  was  poiTible  to  acquire.  But  Mr.  Giles 
"  could  not  fay  that  the  difmiffion  was  entirely 
^'  groundlefs."  It  was  very  well  grounded,  as  hath 
already  been  proved.  Mr.Pinckneydefeved  nopart 
of  this  encomium.  Mr.  Giles  faid,  that ''  the  ten- 
''  dency  of  the  fpeech  and  report  was  to  declare 
''  war. — France  would  think  it  equal  to  a  declara- 
*'  tion  of  a  war,  if  this  amendment  was  rejected.— 
''  It  was  MO  fecret  that  the  United  States  had  not 
"  clone  jujlice  to  France.*' 

Mr.  Gallatin  adverted  to  thefmgular  docflrine  of 
the  houfe  not  being  at  liberty  to  give  their  opi- 
nion on  tlie  preference  of  peace  or  war,  becaufc 
it  interfered  with  the  power  of  making  treaties. 
Mr.  Gallatin  faid,  that  "  he  could  cover  the  tabic 
''  with  parliamentary  precedents  for  giving  fuch 
"  opinions,  even  in  a  country  where  the  king  is 
''  cntrufted  with  the  ibk  power  ©f  making  war.'' 


^35  SKETCHES    OF    THE 

In  a  fubfequent  fpeech,  on  May  27th,  Mr.  liar* 
per  faid  that  Buonaparte  was  fit  only  for  the  per- 
petration of  atrocities  ;  that  he  was  a  man  who  had 
eflablifhed  a  reputation  upon  crimes  ;  that  he  could 
be  compared  to  none  but  the  leaders  of  Goths  and 
Vandals ;  with  other  phrafes,  foreign  to  the  fub- 
jecl,  yet  well  fitted  for  inflaming  his  audience 
againft  France,  and  the  latter  againd  them .^  The 
attempts  of  Harper  to  involve  the  continent  in  a 
French  and  Spanifh  war,  cafl:  Nero  and  his  confla- 
gration into  the  fhade.  In  prefence  of  the  Spa- 
nifli  ambafTador,  he  laft  fummer  named  his  catho- 
lic majefly  to  congrefs  as  the  vajj'al  king  of  Spain. 
Mr.  Harper  has  not  received  the  education,  nor  docs 
he  pofiefs  the  feelings  of  a  gentleman  ;  otherwile 
this  burii  of  vulgarity  could  not  have  efcaped  from 
his  lips.  Behold  the  being  that  hiiTes  at  the  Corii- 
can  hero  ! 

After  fuch  doings,  Mr.  Harper  and  his  party 
pretend  to  be  angry  at  the  difmiiTion  of  Pinckncy. 
Put  the  cafe  that  Barras  had  granted  him  an  audi- 
ence, and  had  fpoke  as  follows.  ''  Your  prefident 
^'  is  an  old  doating  fool.  His  head  is  turned  with 
*'  his  elevation.  He  fuifers  hinifelf  to  be  led  by 
''.the  nofe  by  a  circle  of  afTociates  in  the  pay  of 
*'  Britain.  But  unlefs  he  and  his  congrefs  chufe 
"  to  correcl  their  flile,  the  republican  navy  (hall 
*'  lay  New- York  and  Philadelphia  as  flat  as  the  floor 
*'  that  yow /land on  J*  Such  a  harrangue  would  not 
be  more  brutal  or  infolent  than  the  menace  which 
Harper  has  throv/n  out  of  conquering  the  Spanifli 
colonics.  Pluck  out  the  bea?n  before  you  feek  for 
the  mote. 

The  words  of  this  legiflative  luminary  were 
taken  down,  and  pnbliflied  a  few  days  after,  in  the 
Merchant's  Advertifer,  as  a  part  of  his  fpeech.  By 
this  tune  he  had  begun  to  be  afliamcd  of  it.     He 


HISTORY   OF    AMERICA.  i^^f 

went  to  Mr.  Bradford's  office,  made  a  confidera-^ 
ble  noifc,  and  obtained  admillion  for  a  correCfed  co-' 
py  of  his  harangue.  It  appeared,  for  the  fecond 
time,  on  the  loth  of  June.  Mr.  Harper  therein 
ogly  fays,  that  B'lonaparte  was  ^'  a  great  man,  trn- 
*^  ly  qualified  to  be  the  inPcrument  of  fuch  oppref^ 
^^  fion.'*  He  afterwards  printed  a  t^ird  edition  of 
it,  in  three  fucceffive  numbers  of  another  newfpa- 
per,  wherein  it  fwelled  to  the  incredible  bulk  of 
feven  folio  pages*  It  is  hard  to  believe  that  one 
half  of  this  matter  was  ever  pronounced  in  the 
houfe,  for  they  fit  only  four  or  five  hours. 

We  fliall  here  conclude  this  impcrfeft  glance  ai: 
the  debates  on  the  prefident^s  fpeech*  The  repre- 
ientatives  did  not  get  their  addrcfs  ready,  till  the 
fecond  of  June.  They  had  met  on  the  15th  of  May^ 
heard  the  oration  on  the  i6th,  and  had  tugged  for 
fixteen  days  inclufive,  from  the  i/th,  to  the  2d  of 
June  following.  The  amendment  of  Mr*  Nicholas 
was  rejected 4  x^ll  the  pafTages,  quoted  in  the  outfet: 
of  this  flictch,  were  retained*  The  yeas  and  nays 
were  called  over  feven  times.  The  addrefs  finally 
paft,  by  fixty-two  votes  againft  thirty-fix  ;  and,  witli 
admirable  confiflency,  ccnfured  the  dircclory,  for 
gently  hinting  to  Monroe,  that  we  are  a  divided 
people.  This  paper  affirmed,  alfo,  that  '^  the  con- 
'^  du6t  of  the  government  has  been  jtij?  and  mipar- 
*^  tial  to  foreign  nations.'*  The  affirmation  is  uni- 
verfally  known  to  be  falfc^  ;  and  as  fuch,  had  been 
conftantly  contradid:ed  by  the  republican  fide  of  the 
houfe.   The-feffion  ended  on  July  5th,  1797,  hav-- 

*  Among  other  glaring  inftances  of  partialify,  oliferve  the  fol- 
lowing. France  and  England  are  at  war.  Gov'erniiient  permits  the 
latter,  unmoleftedi  to  prefs  our  feamen.  At  the  fame  time  we  agree 
to  a  treaty  forbidding  them  to  enter  into  French  fervice.  Befidcs 
that  the  French  are  greatly  in  want  of  able  faiiors,  an  American,  b/ 
fpeaking  the  Eiiollfli  language,  and  being  acquainted  with  the  fea* 
xnanlhip  of  that  people,  would  be  of  peculiar  ufe  in  a  Fiengh  privateer, 

Kk 


^5S  SKETGHElS    OF   THE 

ing  lafled  exa^lly  fifty-two  days.  Of  thefe,  fixteeti 
were  fpent  upon  an  anfvver  to  the  prefident.  The 
whole  charge  of  the  feflion,  by  an  account  given  in, 
was  about  eighty  thoufand  dollars,  or  fifteen  hun- 
dred and  thirty  eight  dollars,  and  a  fraiTtion,  per 
day.  Thus  the  addrefs  required  twenty-four  thou- 
farid  fix  hundred  dollars  worth  of  time,  and  amount- 
ted,  in  the  judgment  of  the  minority,  to  a  decla- 
ration of  war  againft  France.  The  journal  ®f  the 
wliole  feflion  forms  but  an  hundred  and  forty  pages. 
The  reply  of  Mr-  Adams  to  this  addrefs,  ends  on 
the  forty-fourth. 

So  much  buflle  about  a  prefident's  fpeech,  evi- 
dently fliews  that  we  are  ambitious  of  polling  to- 
wards monarchy,  Speaking*of  the  late  birth  day  of 
general  Wafhington,  a  federal  newfpaper  has  thefe 
words. — ''  Two  public  companies,  and  many  pri- 
''  vate  parties,  obferved  this  political  christ- 
*'  MAS,  and  HALL0\7ED  it*  1"  It  is  believed  that  no 
Englifh  print  was  ever  polluted  with  fuch  abjed: 
profanation.  Mr.  Adams  was  not  contented  with 
fcolding  at  France.  He  hath  fince  been  inveighing 
againfi:  thofe  who  difapprove  his  tondu6b.  He  waS 
angry  at  Barras  for  attempting,  as  he  alledged,  tb 
feparate  the  people  from  their  government.  He  nov/ 
declares,  that  fuch  a  project  has  a^^ually  been  fram- 
ed in  the  United  States ;  and  that  it  has  a  high  pro- 
bability of  jiiccefsl  The  particulars  are  thus* 

©n  Augufl  7th,  1797,  Mr.  Adams  dined  at  F^- 
rueil  Hall,  in  Bofton,  with  tw^o  hundred  and  fifty 
of  his  fellow  citizens.  An  addrefs  was  prefented  to 
liim,  which  has  tliis  pafTage.  ''When  domeilric/^c-. 
^'  tion  appears  to  have  confpired  with  foreign  in- 
"  trigue,  to  deflroy  the  peace  of  our  country ;  when 
*'  our  conflituted  authorities  are  reviled  and  inful- 

*  Aurora,  7th  March,  1797. 


HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  %^<) 

^^  tedi^  ;  and  the  moft  daring  attempts  to  feparate 
■ '  the  people  from  their  government  are  openly 
^'  made  and  avowed ;  at  fiich  acrifis  we  are  excited, 
"  no  leis  by  our  inclination  than  our  duty,  to  re- 
*'  probate/'  &c, 

To  this  yell  of  malice  and  ftupidity,  the  pred- 
dent  made  a  moft  gracious  reply.  The  addrefs  ha^ 
fourteen  lines  upon  faftion.  Mr.  Adams  rung  the 
changes  through  forty-eight.  "  I  cannot,"  fays  he, 
''  but  be  of  the  opinion,  that  the  profligate  fpirit  of 
^'  falfehood  and  malignity,  which  has  appeared  \\\ 
^'  feme,  and  the  unguarded  difpofition  in  others  to 
'^*  encourage  it,  are  ferious  evils,  and  bear  a  threat- 
• '  ening  afpec^  upon  the  union  of  the  dates,  their 
''  conftitution  of  government,  and  the  moral  cha^ 
''  ra(5lcr  of  the  nation.*^ 

Thus  hath  our  prefident  proclaimed  his  refent- 
ment  becaufe  a  minority  of  congrefs  were  unwil- 
ling to  embark  in  his  French  war.  He  feems  to 
juftify  an  obfervation  made  by  Mr.  Paine.  "  I  have 
'^  always,"  fays  he,  ''  been  oppofed  to  the  mode  of 
''  refining  government  up  to  an  individual,  or  what 
^'  is  called  a  fmgle  executive.  Such  a  man  will  al^ 
^'  ways  be  the  chief  of  a  party,  A  plurality  is  far 
^'  better.  It  combines  the  mafs  of  a  nation  better 
*'  together ;  and,  befides  this,  it  is  necefTary  to  the 
*'  manly  mind  of  a  republic,  that  it  lofes  the  debai- 
"  ing  idea  of  obeying  an  individualt.*' 

The  houfe  of  reprefentatives  have  always  pof- 
felFed  a  number  of  men,  equal  to  Mr.  Adams. 
Nothing  but  the  fpirit  of  fervility  would  excite 
fuch  a  noife  about  hisfpeech.  The  debate  on  mak- 
ing an  anfwer  to  it  produced  a  dozen  ipeeches  equal. 

*  The  greateft  infult  was  that  on  the  reprefentatives,  of  their  not 
being  at  liberty  to  giv«  an  opinion  to  the  prefident  for  or  againft  ^ 
rupture  with  France. 

i  ?aine  to  Walhington,  p,  |, 


^63  SKETCHES    OF    THE 

to  his.  But  then  Mr.  Adams  has  the  right 
of  appointment  to  many  inug  places,  with  an 
jinnual  finecure  to  hiinfeif  of  twenty-five  thou- 
iand  dollars.  Tlicie  be  thy  gods  O  Ifrael !  But  for 
his  high  falary,  and  his  unbounded  patronage,  an 
anisver  to  a  preiident's  fpeech  would  be  very  con- 
cife,  and  the  debates  upon  it  very  cool. 

If  the  change  to  a  quintuple  directory  can  be 
accompliihed,  without  interrnediatemifchief,  it  may 
be  as  well  for  America  if  Mr.  Adams  (liall  beherlafl 
prefident.  This  remark  is  not  levelled  at  the  gen- 
tleman, but  the  office.  Matters  have  come  to  fuch 
a  height  that  Mr.  Jefferfon,  if  chofen  at  the  next 
election,  will,  perhaps,^ be  forced  to  take  refngc  in 
Ins  party,  They  can  hardly- commit  as  much  harni 
as  their  predeceiTors  have  done.  The  certificates 
are  funded.  The  bank  government  is  eftahlifhed. 
Yet,  after  all,  democratical  afcendency  will  ftiJl  be, 
ipibil  likely,  but  the  domination  of  a  party,  Anative 
citizen  of  the  county  of  Philadelphia,  of  the  firft 
clafs,  both  in  point  of  information  and  of  fortune, 
wasaflccd,  daring  the  late  prefidcntial  canvals,  whe- 
ther he  preferred  Adams  or  Jeiferfon.  ''  I  widi  for 
*^'  the  latter,'^  he  replied,  ''  as,  by  far,  mod  likely  to 
^^  keep  us  out  of  a  French  war.  But  J  would  rather 
"^^  fee  a  flick  of  wood  in  the  chair  than  either  of  the 
*'  candidates.  The  very  buftle  that  you  make  about 
^'  thi^  ele/tion  proves  that  your  conllitution  is  a 
^'  monarchy,  A  pure  republic  will  reft  nothing  upon 
^^  the  choice  of  a  hngle  man.'^ 

The  aniVer  to  the  fpeech  fliould  be  circumfcri- 
ped  to  a  verbal  melTage ;  and  congrefs  ought  to 
give  up  the  cuflom  of  vifiting  a  prefident  at 
|us  levees,  and  on  his  birth  day.  A  gradual  exti^ic- 
^lon  fhoyld  be  promoted  of  that  fulibme  flile  with 
which,  for  thefe  nine  yc^rsj  our  prcfidents  havc^ 
hzGn  addrcilcd. 


HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  a6i 

In  his  anfwer  to  the  Boflon  addrels,  Mr.  Adams 
fpeaks  of  "  a  threatening  afpec^  upon  the  wtion  of 
**  the  ftatcs."  The  ftrongeil:  alped  of  that  kind 
appears  in  Conned icut.  On  December  23d,  1796, 
there  was  diftributed  to  the  aiTembiy  of  Penniyl- 
vania,  a  pamphlet,  entitled,  Papers  Kejpediiig  in" 
triijioits  by  Co?2nediciit  Claimants »  It  begins  with  a 
circular  letter  of  x\pril  i6th,  1796,  from  the  go- 
vernor of  this  (late  to  thole  of  New-Jeriey,  New- 
York,  Rhode-Ifland,  Connedicut,  and  MafTachu- 
Ictts.  This  inclofed  the  copy  of  a  proclamation, 
idbed  by  him,  at  the  inftance  of  the  affembly,  for 
preventing  intrufions.  h  requefl  was  fubjoined  that 
it  might  be  publifhed  in  ^lieir  refpeclive  itates  ;  and, 
that  if  any  attempts  were  made  to  emigrate  into 
Pennfylvania,  they  might  be  oppofed. 

Obferve  the  various  reception  that  this  letter  met 
with  from  thefe  five  governors.  As  New-York  has 
^,  fimilar  quarrel  with  ConnedUcut,  Mr.  Jay  not 
only  publifhed  the  Pennfylvanian  manifeflo,  but 
fuperadded  another  of  his  own.  New-Jerfey  and 
MalTachufetts  have  no  fuch  intereft  in  the  caufe, 
and  in  thefe  two  Hates  it  was  fent  to  the  newfpapers, 
without  fuch  an  appendage.  Rhode-Ifland,  influen- 
ced by  its  Connedicut  neighbours,  appears  to  have 
done  nothing  at  all.  The  governor  of  Connedicut 
declined  perfbnal  agency  in  printing  the  proclama- 
tion, but,  with  an  obliging  anfwer,  laid  it  before 
the  two  branches  of  the  legiflaturc. 

From  the  other  papers  we  learn,  that,  early  in 
May,  1796,  aland  furveyor,  from  Connecticut,  and 
four  afliflants,  were  on  the  Pennfylvania  line,  near 
the  one  hundred  and  twenty-nin«milc  ftone.  They 
defigned  to  run  off  'li'^  townftiips  within  this  flate.  A 
letter  from  Lycoming  county,  of  June  i8tli,  179^? 
informed,  that  there  were  five  fetts  of  furveyors  on 
the  fame  buGnefs.  On  June  22d,  a  committee  of 


%Sz  SKETCHES    OF    THE 

that  county  was  held  to  counteraft  the  invaders.  In 
a  letter  of  July  6th,  to  the  governor,  the  committee 
write  thiii.  ''''  We  have  further  been  informed, 
"  that,  Ibme  few  days  iince,  a  party,  of  fifteen  or 
''  twenty  men,  were  feen,  -well  armed  %vith  7'ifies^ 
*'  and  equipped,  proceeding  on  into  the  country  up 
''  the  Cawanefque,  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the 
"  ftate  line;  and  that  a  party  of  fifteen  furvcyors, 
''  with  their  hands,  were  to  fet  out  from  about  the 
^'  mouth  of  Tioga  river,  to  furvey  in  the  fame  coun- 
"  try.  General  report  fays,  that  this  proceeding 
''  has  taken  place,  fince  a  council  was  refolved  upon 
'^  and  holden  at  Tioga  point, /;^  cofifequejtce  of  your 
^^  excellency's  proclarnatmibeing jent i7ito  that  coun- 
'^  try.  We  are  afTured,  that  they  are  in  numerous 
*'  parties,  throughout  the  northern  parts  of  this 
^'  country,  and  we  apprehend  that  tliey  expect 
refiflance  to  their  intrufions.  We  are  decidedly 
ef  opinion,  that  a  civil  magiflrate,  unprotected 
by  an  armed  force,  would  be  in  imminent  danger 
in  attempting  to  arref]:  any  of  the  intruders." 
Meafures  were  taken  to  repel  them,  and  their  pro- 
jecft  v/ai,  for  that  time,  fufpended. 

Here  v/e  fee,  that  a  party  of  armed  men  entered 
Pennfylvania,  with  a  purpofe  to  refifl  the  governor's 
proclamation.  Granting  their  claim  to  be  well 
founded,  it  ought  not  to  be  fupported  by  rifles.  A 
fimilar  conduft  in  other  difpntes  about  land,  would 
fill  the  continent  with  carnage.  A  purchafer,  jofl:- 
led  out  of  his  farm,  has  only  to  charge  his  gun,  and 
level  at  his  enemy.  This  precedent  is  the  moft 
alarming,  the  moll  antifederal,  that  can  well  be 
imagined.  It  came  from  a  body  of  people  firmly 
devoted  to  Mr.  Adams.  If  any  other  flate  had  inva- 
ded Conned:icut  with  a  detachment  of  men  in  arms 
the  whole  union  would  have  rung  with  reproaches, 
from  Trumbail,  Webfter,  and  the  refl  of  her  lite^ 


HISTORY   OF   AMEHICA,  iO^ 

i^ati.  The  defign  was  dropt  from  dread  of  a  fuperiof 
force,  but  will,  it  is  likely,  be  renewed  with  the 
firfl:  opportunity.  Our  prefident  may  point  out,  if  he 
can,  what  other  flate  entertains  any  plans  which 
arc  half  fo  dangerous  to  the  general  peace.  If  go- 
vernor Mifllin  had  refufed  to  publifh  a  proclamation 
againfl  the  weflern  infurgents,  he  would  have  be- 
haved precifely  as  the  governor  of  ^onned:icut  didi 
in  the  aifah'  o/the  Sufquehanna  company: 


ITHE    EN Ji. 


SNOWDEN  &  M'CORKLE, 

No,   A7^  North  Fourth-fir eet^  Philadelphia^ 
HAVE  JUST  PUBLISHED, 
^  V  THE 

HI     STORY 

O  F  T  H  E 

United  States  for  the  year  1796, 

Among  a  variety  of  other  intcrefting  poll- 
tied  information,  this  work  contains  a  copious  and 
authentic  abflrad  of 

JAY'S  INSTRUCTIONS, 

And  fome  important    anecdotes   of  Mr.  HAMIL* 
ton's  connci^ion  with  James  Reynolds. 


K"^' 


Said  Snowden  &  M^Corkle 

EXECUTE  ALL  KINDS  OF 

LETTER-PRESS  PRINTING 

WITH 

Neatnefs,  Accuracy,  and  Difpatch* 


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